Did six million REALLY die?



http://www.ihr.org/books/harwood/dsmrd01.html

Of course, atrocity propaganda is nothing new. It has accompanied
every conflict of the 20th century and doubtless will continue to do
so. During the First World War, the Germans were actually accused of
eating Belgian babies, as well as delighting to throw them in the air
and transfix them on bayonets. The British also alleged that the
German forces were operating a "Corpse Factory," in which they boiled
down the bodies of their own dead in order to obtain glycerine and
other commodities, a calculated insult to the honour of an Imperial
army. After the war, however, came the retractions; indeed, a public
statement was made by the Foreign Secretary in the House of Commons
apologising for the insults to German honour, which were admitted to
be war-time propaganda.

No such statements have been made after the Second World War. In fact,
rather than diminish with the passage of years, the atrocity
propaganda concerning the German occupation, and in particular their
treatment of the Jews, has done nothing but increase its virulence,
and elaborate its catalogue of horrors. Gruesome paperback books with
lurid covers continue to roll from the presses, adding continuously to
a growing mythology of the concentration camps and especially to the
story that no less than Six Million Jews were exterminated in them.
The ensuing pages will reveal this claim to be the most colossal piece
of fiction and the most successful of deceptions; but here an attempt
may be made to answer an important question: What has rendered the
atrocity stories of the Second World War so uniquely different from
those of the First? Why were the latter retracted while the former are
reiterated louder than ever? Is it possible that the story of the Six
Million Jews is serving a political purpose, even that it is a form of
political blackmail?

So far as the Jewish people themselves are concerned, the deception
has been an incalculable benefit. Every conceivable race and
nationality had its share of suffering in the Second World War, but
none has so successfully elaborated it and turned it to such great
advantage. The alleged extent of their persecution quickly aroused
sympathy for the Jewish national homeland they had sought for so long;
after the War the British Government did little to prevent Jewish
emigration to Palestine which they had declared illegal, and it was
not long afterwards that the Zionists wrested ftom the Government the
land of Palestine and created their haven from persecution, the State
of Israel. Indeed, it is a remarkable fact that the Jewish people
emerged from the Second World War as nothing less than a triumphant
minority. Dr. Max Nussbaum, the former chief rabbi of the Jewish
community in Berlin, stated on April 11, 1953: "The position the
Jewish people occupy today in the world -- despite the enormous losses
-- is ten times stronger than what it was twenty years ago." It should
be added, if one is to be honest, that this strength has been much
consolidated financially by the supposed massacre of the Six Million,
undoubtedly the most profitable atrocity allegation of all time. To
date, the staggering figure of six thousand million pounds has been
paid out in compensation by the Federal Government of West Germany,
mostly to the State of Israel (which did not even exist during the
Second World War), as well as to individual Jewish claimants.

DISCOURAGEMENT OF NATIONALISM

In terms of political blackmail, however, the allegation that Six
Million Jews died during the Second World War has much more
far-reaching implications for the people of Britain and Europe than
simply the advantages it has gained for the Jewish nation. And here
one comes to the crux of the question: Why the Big Lie? What is its
purpose? In the first place, it has been used quite unscrupulously to
discourage any form of nationalism. Should the people of Britain or
any other European country attempt to assert their patriotism and
preserve their national integrity in an age when the very existence of
nation-states is threatened, they are immediately branded as
"neo-Nazis". Because, of course, Nazism was nationalism, and we all
know what happened then -- Six Million Jews were exterminated! So long
as the myth is perpetuated, peoples everywhere will remain in bondage
to it; the need for international tolerance and understanding will be
hammered home by the United Nations until nationhood itself, the very
guarantee of freedom, is abolished.

A classic example of the use of the 'Six Million' as an anti-national
weapon appears in Manvell and Frankl's book, The Incomparable Crime
(London, 1967), which deals with 'Genocide in the Twentieth Century.'
Anyone with a pride in being British will be somewhat surprised by the
vicious attack made on the British Empire in this book. The authors
quote Pandit Nehru, who wrote the following while in a British prison
in India: "Since Hitler emerged from obscurity and became the Führer
of Germany, we have heard a great deal about racialism and the Nazi
theory of the 'Herrenvolk' ... But we in India have known racialism in
all its forms ever since the commencement of British rule. The whole
ideology of this rule was that of the 'Herrenvolk' and the master race
.... India as a nation and Indians as individuals were subjected to
insult, humiliation and contemptuous treatment. The English were an
imperial race, we were told, with the God-given right to govern us and
keep us in subjection; if we protested we were reminded of the 'tiger
qualities of an imperial race'." The authors Manvell and Frankl then
go on to make the point perfectly clear for us: "The white races of
Europe and America," they write, "have become used during centuries to
regarding themselves as a 'Herrenvolk.' The twentieth century, the
century of Auschwitz, has also achieved the first stage in the
recognition of multi-racial partnership." (ibid., p .14)

THE RACE PROBLEM SUPPRESSED

One could scarcely miss the object of this diatribe, with its
insiduous hint about "multi-racial partnership." Thus the accusation
of the Six Million is not only used to undermine the principle of
nationhood and national pride, but it threatens the survival of the
Race itself. It is wielded over the heads of the populace, rather as
the threat of hellfire and damnation was in the Middle Ages. Many
countries of the Anglo-Saxon world, notably Britain and America, are
today facing the gravest danger in their history, the danger posed by
the alien races in their midst. Unless something is done in Britain to
halt the immigration and assimilation of Africans and Asians into our
country, we are faced in the near future, quite apart from the
bloodshed of racial conflict, with the biological alteration and
destruction of the British people as they have existed here since the
coming of the Saxons. In short, we are threatened with the
irrecoverable loss of our European culture and racial heritage. But
what happens if a man dares to speak of the race problem, of its
biological and political implications? He is branded as that most
heinous of creatures, a "racialist". And what is racialism:,of course,
but the very hallmark of the Nazi! They (so everyone is told, anyway)
murdered Six Million Jews because of racialism, so it must be a very
evil thing indeed. When Enoch Powell drew attention to the dangers
posed by coloured immigration into Britain in one of his early
speeches, a certain prominent Socialist raised the spectre of Dachau
and Auschwitz to silence his presumption.

Thus any rational discussion of the problems of Race and the effort to
preserve racial integrity is effectively discouraged. No one could
have anything but admiration for the way in which the Jews have sought
to preserve their race through so many centuries, and continue to do
so today. In this effort they have frankly been assisted by the story
of the Six .Million, which, almost like a religious myth, has stressed
the need for greater Jewish racial solidarity. Unfortunately, it has
worked in quite the opposite way for all other peoples, rendering them
impotent in the struggle for self-preservation.

The aim in the following pages is quite simply to tell the Truth. The
distinguished American historian Harry Elmer Barnes once wrote that
"An attempt to make a competent, objective and truthful investigation
of the extermination question ... is surely the most precarious
venture that an historian or demographer could undertake today." In
attempting this precarious task, it is hoped to make some
contribution, not only to historical truth, but towards lifting the
burden of a lie from our own shoulders, so that we may freely confront
the dangers which threaten us all.

Richard E. Harwood
1. GERMAN POLICY TOWARD THE JEWS PRIOR TO THE WAR
Rightly or wrongly, the Germany of Adolf Hitler considered the Jews to
be a disloyal and avaricious element within the national community, as
well as a force of decadence in Germany's cultural life. This was held
to be particularly unhealthy since, during the Weimar period, the Jews
had risen to a position of remarkable strength and influence in the
nation, particularly in law, finance and the mass media, even though
they constituted only 5 per cent of the population. The fact that Karl
Marx was a Jew and that Jews such as Rosa Luxembourg and Karl
Liebknecht were disproportionately prominent in the leadership of
revolutionary movements in Germany, also tended to convince the Nazis
of the powerful internationalist and Communist tendencies of the
Jewish people themselves.

It is no part of the discussion here to argue whether the German
attitude to the Jews was right or not, or to judge whether its
legislative measures against them were just or unjust. Our concern is
simply with the fact that, believing of the Jews as they did, the
Nazis' solution to the problem was to deprive them of their influence
within the nation by various legislative acts, and most important of
all, to encounge their emigration from the country altogether. By
1939, the great majority of German Jews had emigrated, all of them
with a sizeable proportion of their assets. Never at any time had the
Nazi leadership even contemplated a policy of genocide towards them.

JEWS CALLED EMIGRATION 'EXTERMINATION'

It is very significant, however, that certain Jews were quick to
interpret these policies of internal discrimination as equivalent to
extermination itself. A 1936 anti-German propaganda book by Leon
Feuchtwanger and others entitled Der Gelbe Fleck: Die Ausrotung von
500,000 deutschen Juden (The Yellow Spot: The Extermination of 500,000
German Jews, Paris, 1936), presents a typical example. Despite its
baselessness in fact, the annihilation of the Jews is discussed from
the first pages -- straight-forward emigration being regarded as the
physical "extermination" of German Jewry. The Nazi concentration camps
for political prisoners are also seen as potential instruments of
genocide, and special reference is made to the 100 Jews still detained
in Dachau in 1936, of whom 60 had been there since 1933. A further
example was the sensational book by the German-Jewish Communist, Hans
Beimler, called Four Weeks in the Hands of Hitler's Hell-Hounds: The
Nazi Murder Camp of Dachau, which was published in New York as eady as
1933. Detained for his Marxist affiliations, he claimed that Dachau
was a death camp, though by his own admission he was released after
only a month there. The present regime in East Germany now issues a
Hans Beimler Award for services to Communism.

The fact that anti-Nazi genocide propaganda was being disseminated at
this impossibly early date, therefore, by people biased on racial or
political grounds, should suggest extreme caution to the
independent-minded observer when approaching similar stories of the
war period.

The encouragement of Jewish emigration should not be confused with the
purpose of concentration camps in pre-war Germany. These were used for
the detention of political opponents and subversives -- principally
liberals, Social Democrats and Communists of all kinds, of whom a
proportion were Jews such as Hans Beimler. Unlike the millions
enslaved in the Soviet Union, the German concentration camp population
was always small; Reitinger admits that between 1934 and 1938 it
seldom exceeded 20,000 throughout the whole of Germany, and the number
of Jews was never more than 3,000. (The SS: Alibi of a Nation, London,
1956, p. 253).

ZIONIST POLICY STUDIED

The Nazi view of Jewish emigration was not Iimited to a negative
policy of simple expulsion, but was formulated along the lines of
modern Zionism. The founder of political Zionism in the 19th century,
Theodore Herzl, in his work The Jewish State, had originally conceived
of Madagascar as a national homeland for the Jews, and this
possibility was seriously studied by the Nazis. It had been a main
plank of the National Socialist party platform before 1933 and was
published by the party in pamphlet form. This stated that the revival
of Israel as a Jewish state was much less acceptable since it would
result in perpetual war and disruption in the Arab world, which has
indeed been the case. The Germans were not original in proposing
Jewish emigration to Madagascar; the Polish Government had already
considered the scheme in respect of their own Jewish population, and
in 1937 they sent the Michael Lepecki expedition to Madagascar,
accompanied by Jewish representatives, to investigate the problems
involved.

The first Nazi proposals for a Madagascar solution were made in
association with the Schacht Plan of 1938. On the advice of Göring,
Hitler agreed to send the President of the Reichsbank, Dr. Hjaimar
Schacht, to London for discussions with Jewish representatives Lord
Bearsted and Mr. Rublee of New York (cf. Reitlinger, The Final
Solution, London, 1953, p. 20). The plan was that German Jewish assets
would be frozen as security for an international loan to finance
Jewish emigration to Palestine, and Schacht reported on these
negotiations to Hitler at Berchtesgaden on January 2, 1939. The plan,
which failed due to British refusal to accept the financial terms, was
first put forward on November 12, 1938 at a conference convened by
Göring, who revealed that Hitler was already considering the
emigration of Jews to a settlement in Madagascar (ibid., p. 21).
Later, in December, Ribbentrop was told by M. Georges Bonnet, the
French Foreign Secretary, that the French Government itself was
planning the evacuation of 10,000 Jews to Madagascar.

Prior to the Schacht Palestine proposals of 1938, which were
essentially a protraction of discussions that had begun as early as
1935, numerous attempts had been made to secure Jewish emigration to
other European nations, and these efforts culminated in the Evian
Conference of July, 1938. However, by 1939 the scheme of Jewish
emigration to Madagascar had gained the most favour in German circles.
It is true that in London Helmuth Wohltat of the German Foreign Office
discussed limited Jewish emigration to Rhodesia and British Guiana as
late as April 1939; but by January 24th, when Göring wrote to Interior
Minister Frick ordering the creation of a Central Emigration Office
for Jews, and commissioned Heydrich of the Reich Security Head Office
to solve the Jewish problem "by means of emigration and evacuation",
the Madagascar Plan was being studied in earnest.

By 1939, the consistent efforts of the German Government to secure the
departure of Jews from the Reich had resulted in the emigration of
400,000 German Jews from a total population of about 600,000, and an
additional 480,000 emigrants from Austria and Czechoslovakia, which
constituted almost their entire Jewish populations. This was
accomplished through Offices of Jewish Emigration in Berlin, Vienna
and Prague established by Adolf Eichmann, the head of the Jewish
Investigation Office of the Gestapo. So eager were the Germans to
secure this emigration that Eichmann even established a training
centre in Austria, where young Jews could learn farming in
anticipation of being smuggled illegally to Palestine (Manvell and
Frankl, SS and Gestapo, p. 60). Had Hitler cherished any intention of
exterminating the Jews, it is inconceivable that he would have allowed
more than 800,000 to leave Reich territory with the bulk of their
wealth, much less considered plans for their mass emigration to
Palestine or Madagascar. What is more, we shall see that the policy of
emigration from Europe was still under consideration well into the war
period, notably the Madagascar Plan, which Eichmann discussed in 1940
with French Colonial Office experts after the defeat of France had
made the surrender of the colony a practical proposition.

"It is fear that first brought gods into the world."
.



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