Re: Free Speech Rights Prevented Probe Into Hasan E-Mails, Investigator Says (CYA)
- From: odros <so rdo@xxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Wed, 11 Nov 2009 16:14:21 -0800
Hello right-wingers. Hope you're having a lovely day. Sordo the jerk
is posting other another fake name. He just can't stand it that nobody
will pay any attention to him. Here's some more info from your Fuehrer:
EVER since I have been scrutinizing political events, I have taken a tremendous interest
in propagandist activity. I saw that the Socialist-Marxist organizations mastered and
applied this instrument with astounding skill. And I soon realized that the correct use of
propaganda is a true art which has remained practically unknown to the bourgeois parties.
Only the Christian-Social movement, especially in Lueger's time, achieved a certain
virtuosity on this instrument, to which it owed many of its successes.
But it was not until the War that it became evident what immense results could be obtained
by a correct application of propaganda. Here again, unfortunately, all our studying had to
be done on the enemy side, for the activity on our side was modest, to say the least. The
total miscarriage of the German 'enlightenment ' service stared every soldier in the face,
and this spurred me to take up the question of propaganda even more deeply than before.
There was often more than enough time for thinking, and the enemy offered practical
instruction which, to our sorrow, was only too good.
For what we failed to do, the enemy did, with amazing skill and really brilliant
calculation. I, myself, learned enormously from this enemy war propaganda. But time passed
and left no trace in the minds of all those who should have benefited; partly because they
considered themselves too clever to from the enemy, partly owing to lack of good will.
Did we have anything you could call propaganda?
I regret that I must answer in the negative. Everything that actually was done in this
field was so inadequate and wron
from the very start that it certainly did no good and sometimes did actual harm.
The form was inadequate, the substance was psychologically wrong: a careful examination of
German war propaganda ca: lead to no other diagnosis.
There seems to have been no clarity on the very first question: Is propaganda a means or
It is a means and must therefore be judged with regard to its end. It must consequently
take a form calculated to support the aim which it serves. It is also obvious that its aim
can vary in importance from the standpoint of general need, and that the inner value of
the propaganda will vary accordingly. The aim for which we were fighting the War was the
loftiest, the most overpowering, that man can conceive: it was the freedom and
independence of our nation, the security of our future food supply, and-our national
honor; a thing which, despite all contrary opinions prevailing today, nevertheless exists,
or rather should exist, since peoples without honor have sooner or later lost their
freedom and independence, which in turn is only the result of a higher justice, since
generations of rabble without honor deserve no freedom. Any man who wants to be a cowardly
slave can have no honor) or honor itself would soon fall into general contempt.
The German nation was engaged in a struggle for a human existence, and the purpose of war
propaganda should have been to support this struggle; its aim to help bring about victory.
When the nations on this planet fight for existence-when the question of destiny, 'to be
or not to be,' cries out for a solution-then all considerations of humanitarianism or
aesthetics crumble into nothingness; for all these concepts do not float about in the
ether, they arise from man's imagination and are bound up with man. When he departs from
this world, these concepts are again dissolved into nothingness, for Nature does not know
them. And even among mankind, they belong only to a few nations or rather races, and this
in proportion as they emanate from the feeling of the nation or race in question.
Humanitarianism and aesthetics would vanish even from a world inhabited by man if this
world were to lose the races that have created and upheld these concepts.
But all such concepts become secondary when a nation is fighting for its existence; in
fact, they become totally irrelevant to the forms of the struggle as soon as a situation
arises where they might paralyze a struggling nation's power of selfpreservation. And that
has always been their only visible result.
As for humanitarianism, Moltke said years ago that in war it lies in the brevity of the
operation, and that means that the most aggressive fighting technique is the most humane.
But when people try to approach these questions with drivel about aesthetics, etc., really
only one answer is possible: where the destiny and existence of a people are at stake, all
obligation toward beauty ceases. The most unbeautiful thing there can be in human life is
and remains the yoke of slavery. Or do these Schwabing 2 decadents view the present lot of
the German people as 'aesthetic'? Certainly we don't have to discuss these matters with
the Jews, the most modern inventors of this cultural perfume. Their whole existence is an
embodied protest against the aesthetics of the Lord's image.
And since these criteria of humanitarianism and beauty must be eliminated from the
struggle, they are also inapplicable to propaganda.
Propaganda in the War was a means to an end, and the end wvas the struggle for the
existence of the German people; consequently, propaganda could only be considered in
accordance with the principles that were valid for this struggle. In this case the most
cruel weapons were humane if they brought about a quicker victory; and only those methods
were beautiful which helped the nation to safeguard the dignity of its freedom.
This was the only possible attitude toward war propaganda in a life-and-death struggle
If the so-called responsible authorities had been clear on this point, they would never
have fallen into such uncertainty over the form and application of this weapon: for even
propaganda is no more than a weapon, though a frightful one in the hand of an expert.
The second really decisive question was this: To whom should propaganda be addressed? To
the scientifically trained intelligentsia or to the less educated masses?
It must be addressed always and exclusively to the masses.
What the intelligentsia-or those who today unfortunately often go by that name-what they
need is not propaganda but scientific instruction. The content of propaganda is not
science any more than the object represented in a poster is art. The art of the poster
lies in the designer's ability to attract the attention of the crowd by form and color. A
poster advertising an art exhibit must direct the attention of the public to the art being
exhibited; the better it succeeds in this, the greater is the art of the poster itself.
The poster should give the masses an idea of the significance of the exhibition, it should
not be a substitute for the art on display. Anyone who wants to concern himself with the
art itself must do more than study the poster; and it will not be enough for him just to
saunter through the exhibition. We may expect him to examine and immerse himself in the
individual works, and thus little by little form a fair opinion.
A similar situation prevails with what we today call propaganda.
The function of propaganda does not lie in the scientific training of the individual, but
in calling the masses' attention to certain facts, processes, necessities, etc., whose
significance is thus for the first time placed within their field of vision.
The whole art consists in doing this so skillfully that everyone will be convinced that
the fact is real, the process necessary, the necessity correct, etc. But since propaganda
is not and cannot be the necessity in itself, since its function, like the poster,
consists in attracting the attention of the crowd, and not in educating those who are
already educated or who are striving after education and knowledge, its effect for the
most part must be aimed at the emotions and only to a very limited degree at the so-called
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