@@ No appetite for "carrots", no apparent fear of "sticks" @@
- From: "Arash" <A7000@xxxxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Mon, 8 Aug 2005 14:06:09 -0400
Economist
August 8, 2005
No appetite for "carrots", no apparent fear of "sticks"
Iran has carried out its threat to restart its nuclear programme, removing the seals on
part of its uranium-conversion plant at Isfahan. European offers of political and economic
incentives, designed to dissuade the theocratic Middle Eastern state from building atomic
bombs, do not appear to have been enticing enough. Is a more aggressive approach called
for?
http://www.economist.com/images/ga/2005w33/Isfahan.jpg
Isfahan buzzes once again
These are particularly edgy times for anyone concerned about the spread of nuclear
weapons. On Monday August 8th?a couple of days after the latest round of six-country talks
over North Korea?s nuclear programme ended in deadlock?Iran formally rejected a package of
political and economic incentives from Europe that was designed to put a stop to its
suspected nuclear-weapons programme, and resumed work at its uranium-conversion plant near
Isfahan. While the North Korean negotiations are due to restart in three weeks, it looks
like the talking may be over, for now, between Iran and the three European
countries?France, Britain and Germany?that have been trying to coax the Islamic republic
away from the bomb.
The announcement that Iran was once again working on uranium came from Mohammad Saeedi,
deputy head of the country?s Atomic Energy Organization. This work, he said, had resumed
under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations?
nuclear watchdog. Earlier that day, IAEA inspectors had arrived at the plant to check
surveillance equipment and oversee the removal of seals, which had been put in place when
all of Iran?s nuclear-fuel work was suspended late last year, following talks in Paris
with the Europeans. A reporter from Reuters news agency, who witnessed the restarting of
operations at Isfahan, said that the plant had earlier been surrounded by dozens of
anti-aircraft batteries.
This was not the only bad news for those hoping to rein in Iran?s nuclear ambitions. Also
on Monday, Tehran replaced its chief negotiator in the talks with the Europeans since
2003, Hassan Rohani, with the more conservative Ali Larijani, who is close to Iran?s
supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The man behind the change was Iran?s new, hardline
president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who had been sworn in only a few days earlier. Mr. Rohani
was no pushover. Mr. Larijani is likely to be even less accommodating.
At Isfahan, natural uranium (yellowcake) is turned into a gas that can then be spun in
centrifuge machines to produce more usable uranium. So far, Tehran has not restarted work
on the most sensitive part of the nuclear fuel cycle, uranium enrichment?a process that
can be used to make either fuel for reactors or nuclear warheads. The part of the Isfahan
plant where the final conversion to create weapons-grade uranium is carried out is still
under UN seals, though these may be removed some time this week, when the IAEA installs
monitoring equipment there too. Iran also has uranium centrifuges at a plant in Natanz.
In response to the latest crisis, the 35-member board of the IAEA is due to hold an
emergency meeting on Tuesday, called by the Europeans once it became clear that the talks
were grinding to a halt. This is likely to lead to an entirely different type of
diplomatic process: one that sees Iran referred to the UN Security Council, with a view to
sanctions being imposed. Nevertheless, the Iranians are putting on an unconcerned face:
?Even if they [the Security Council] issue a resolution tomorrow, since it would have no
legal basis?we won?t accept it and will carry on with our work?, Mr. Saeedi told reporters
on Monday.
Mastering the techniques involved in enriching uranium (so far Iran claims to have done
only experimental work) is one of the biggest hurdles to bomb-building. However, Iran
insists that its nuclear programme is peaceful. It says it needs nuclear power as an
alternative energy source to meet booming electricity demand and preserve its large oil
and gas reserves for export. In May, its foreign minister, Kamal Kharrazi, told the
five-yearly review of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty that his country had a right
under the NPT to all such technologies and was determined to use them. Yet Iran has a
20-year record of lies, cover-ups and evasions (which it shrugs off as ?discrepancies?) in
its dealings with IAEA inspectors.
The Iranians might argue that the resumption of work at Isfahan should come as no
surprise, as they had said from the start that the suspension would be only temporary.
Nevertheless, there will be genuine disappointment that the recent talks appear to have
led nowhere. The Europeans had hoped that Iran might be persuaded to bring a permanent
halt to all uranium and plutonium work if it received the right inducements, including
trade and other, less proliferation-prone nuclear technologies. The latest package of
incentives included offers of help to develop civilian nuclear energy and in becoming a
major transit route for Central Asian oil. But Iran said it was unacceptable because it
denied the country the right to produce its own nuclear fuel. Mr. Saeedi described the
proposal as ?insulting and humiliating?.
Earlier this year, the Europeans persuaded America's president, George Bush, to support
their incentives-based approach. He agreed that Iran could open talks on membership of the
World Trade Organization and import spare parts for its ageing fleet of civilian aircraft.
But Iran?s decision to back away from the process, coupled with recent political
developments?America cast doubt on the legitimacy of the election that brought Mr.
Ahmadinejad to power?has complicated things. And if the carrots don?t do the trick, it
will surely be back to sticks before long.
http://www.economist.com/agenda/displayStory.cfm?story_id=4266134
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