Curbing Pakistan's rising militancy
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- Date: Sun, 27 Jan 2008 20:39:28 -0800 (PST)
Common Ground News Service
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23 - 29 January 2008
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Inside this edition
1) Art, the universal language of religion by Naif Al-Mutawa
In this first article of a series on freedom of expression in
religion, Naif Al Mutawa, the creator of the comic-book series The 99,
reflects on art as "the only language that all humans share in
common", and explores how this concept pertains to the Qur'an.
(Source: Common Ground News Service, 22 January 2008)
2) Curbing Pakistan's rising militancy by Abdullah M. Adnan
Islamabad-based researcher and political analyst Abdullah M. Adnan
develops a three-part solution for curbing the pervasive threat of
militancy to Pakistan's stability and to Muslim-Western relations more
broadly.
(Source: Common Ground News Service, 22 January 2008)
3) Brushing up on Iranians by Anisa Mehdi
Emmy award-winning reporter and producer Anisa Mehdi describes a
conversation with her dentist over her recent trip to Iran. Responding
to his question about the health of their teeth, Mehdi expands on her
exchanges with Iranian cabbies, academics, shopkeepers, fellow
partygoers, current and former government officials and religious
authorities.
(Source: Everything Jersey, 23 December 2007)
4) It's official: freedom of expression is sacred in Egypt by Abdullah
Suleiman Ali
Abdullah Suleiman Ali, a Syrian lawyer, comments on Egypt's 29
December 2007 Administrative Judiciary Court ruling to overturn a
judge's request to ban more than 50 websites that allegedly threatened
national security, insulted the president and defamed his person. He
considers the implications of this ruling for Syria.
(Source: Menassat.com, 15 January 2008)
5) Beyond literacy in the Arab world by James H. Roth
James H. Roth, Huron Consulting Group's vice president of education
and health consulting, lauds the steps the Arab world has taken to
reduce illiteracy but urges Arab policy makers to take the next step
by reforming their education system for the sake of domestic
employment needs as well as regional stability.
(Source: Daily Star, 18 January 2008)
1) Art, the universal language of religion
Naif Al-Mutawa
All art is at once surface and symbol. Those that go beneath the
surface do so at their peril. Those who read the symbol do so at their
peril. It is the spectator, and not life, that art mirrors. - Oscar
Wilde
Kuwait City - It is neither a secret nor a surprise that the first
manifestation of religion was in art form. Cave drawings and
hieroglyphics shine a light on the mind of early man seeking meaning
in life. The abstract pictorial representations were gradually
solidified into idols and idolatry was born. But when the Abrahamic
tradition took centre stage, idolatry was abolished throughout most of
the world. Or was it?
Art is the only language that all humans share in common. Anyone can
look at art and tell you what they think it means. A word can be
written in hundreds of languages but each word only makes sense to
those few of us who understand that specific language. Even then,
words within a language can have various meanings based on the
context.
Take the word iqra in Arabic. Iqra is credited as being the first word
revealed to the Prophet Muhammad in the Holy Qur'an. Ask most Arabs
and they will tell you that iqra means "read". They will also tell you
that the Prophet was illiterate. And when asked why God would order an
illiterate man to read, most will just shrug their shoulders. Why?
Idolatry of the word iqra.
When people first communicated through the use of images, idols were -
well, idolised. As methods of communication improved, the written word
- in the form of holy books - often took the place of these idols. The
more concrete the interpretation of a word, the more the actual image
of that word is being idolised. Words communicate a depth and breadth
of meaning that transcend the sum of their letters. For example, it
just so happens that the word iqra can also be defined as "to spread",
as in spreading a message or a religion. In essence, then, a rigid
interpretation of God's words by man is nothing more than idol
worship.
All Muslims believe that the Holy Qur'an is for all time and place.
There are some Muslims who believe that the Qur'an is alive and is as
adaptable to today's society as it was in the day of the Prophet. But
then, there are some Muslims who believe that there is only one
interpretation of Islam, and like George Bush's interpretation of
democracy, we should export it in a one-size-fits-all box throughout
the world.
As a writer, I have had to negotiate abstract representations of my
work with various ministry officials in various countries. I have met
with people whose thoughts are so set in stone that they would make
the mountains proud. It is a real shame that censors are still the
intellectual gatekeepers of the world, the high priests of the idols
we worship.
The human mind follows the same rules as the rest of nature. In all
living things, diversity is the key to success and losing diversity is
equivalent to certain death. For example, the less diverse the gene
pool from which one selects a mate, the more likely the offspring will
be diseased. The human intellect works in the same way: the less
access to a variety of ideas, the more "diseased" the intellect.
I grew up in a part of the world where George Orwell's Animal Farm was
banned. It was also banned in the former Soviet Union. The Kremlin
banned it because as a totalitarian regime, it did not want democratic
messages to be spread within its borders. The censors in the USSR
chose to go beneath the surface of the allegory, understand the
message in the book and ban it accordingly. In my neck of the desert,
it was banned because there was a pig on the cover. Go figure.
The Holy Qur'an was revealed in an Arabia that was alive with the
richness of Jahiliya (pre-Islamic) period poetry. The miracle of the
Qur'an was not only in its message, but also in the complexity of the
syntax used to communicate that message. Its prose is unmatched in the
history of the Arabic language. It is an absolute shame that the
Qur'an continues to be held hostage by those who favour the idolatry
of words over the depth of their meaning and the elasticity of the
human intellect.
###
* Dr. Naif Al-Mutawa is the creator of The 99, the internationally
acclaimed group of superheroes based on Islamic archetypes. For more
information, please visit www.the99.org. This article is part of a
series on freedom of expression written for the Common Ground News
Service.
Source: Common Ground News Service, 22 January 2008,
commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
2) Curbing Pakistan's rising militancy
Abdullah M. Adnan
Islamabad - Military rule and the "war on terror" are the two main
culprits for the rise of militancy in Pakistan. A third factor, a
dictator-foreign nexus - whereby a Western power covertly or overtly
supports dictators or military rulers - adds fuel to the fire.
Militancy surges under military rule. By putting restrictions on
genuine political activity, dictatorial rule shuts the doors on
peaceful expressions of dissent. It attempts to establish its writ by
sheer force, and as a reaction, it gives rise to an urge among certain
segments of society to advance their cause through strong-arm tactics.
In this vein, militancy is not restricted to extremists; it becomes a
prevalent mindset - although in varying degrees - among the general
population.
Religious political parties in Pakistan have been working rather
unsuccessfully toward an "Islamisation" of the political system. They
have succeeded neither in persuading the government to accept their
demands, such as complete implementation of shari'a (religious law),
nor in coming to power themselves. The inability to make significant
political advances in a democratic process, together with the
militarised government setup, gives cause to those referred to as the
"local Taliban" and to al Qaeda-influenced elements.
The Lal Masjid episode illustrates this problem. In April and May
2007, I met with Abdul Rashid Ghazi, the deputy chief of the mosque
and its adjacent school, who was killed in the ensuing siege. I asked
him about the legality and effectiveness of the methods employed by
his students, like taking hostages and threatening suicide attempts
against government targets.
He responded, "Our struggle may be viewed as a natural alternative to
the almost complete failure of religious political parties and their
approach." Referring to the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (United Action
Forum), an alliance of religious parties, he said that the ruling
elite would never meet their real demands - and would instead try to
placate the religious parties by agreeing on peripheral issues such as
writing an individual's religion in his/her Pakistani passport.
Claiming that the Lal Masjid episode will lead the way for other such
protests, Ghazi, also a university graduate and former United Nations
official, assured me that although he threatened the use of force, he
did not intend to resort to it.
Hopefully, I thought.
Eventually, however, the government used force and the students
responded in kind, giving extremists yet another excuse for increasing
ruthlessness.
Also contributing to the rise in militancy is the widespread
resentment against US military presence in Afghanistan and Iraq. Many
Pakistanis feel that the United States invaded a sovereign Muslim
country on the pretext that it was providing refuge to Osama bin
Laden, without having established his guilt in a court of law.
Moreover, some contend that the United States invaded Afghanistan even
though the Taliban had offered to hand bin Laden over - as was
reported at length by the media - to a third country, a group of
countries, or to the Organisation of Islamic Conference. Furthermore,
the alleged reason for invading Iraq - their development of weapons of
mass destruction - proved baseless.
This lack of legal process, many extremists believe, justifies
attacking American targets.
With de facto military rule at home and two wars in the region, the
situation in Pakistan is dire. The people of Pakistan love their army,
but they do not approve of its meddling in politics. They do not hate
the United States, but they are angry with some of its policies.
An end to the "dictator-foreign nexus" between the United States and
President Pervez Musharraf may also greatly help control and minimise
the spiralling problem of militancy.
Musharraf relinquished his military position only after being "re-
elected" by the outgoing assembly. He then imposed emergency rule,
dismissed the Supreme Court's judges - including the Chief Justice -
and amended the Constitution. To many, Pervez Musharraf acted with the
tacit support of Washington during and after the imposed emergency.
Without playing favourites, the US-led West has to be seen as
sincerely championing the cause of democracy, instead of patting
dictators on the back in self-interest.
Addressing these three issues is the panacea for curbing militancy in
Pakistan - and the sooner it is employed, the better.
###
* Abdullah M. Adnan is an Islamabad-based researcher and political
analyst. He can be contacted at abdullahmadnan@xxxxxxxxxxxx This
article is written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can
be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service, 22 January 2008,
commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
3) Brushing up on Iranians
Anisa Mehdi
Maplewood, New Jersey - After my teeth were professionally scraped,
polished and flossed, I told my dentist about my recent trip to Iran.
In the midst of waxing on about chadors and secularism, gas lines and
fabulous chicken kebabs, he asked, "How are their teeth?"
I've been to Iran four times already and no one's asked me about teeth
before. But he, of course, is my dentist.
A moment's reflection and then I answered, "They're generally good."
"It's the diet," he said without hesitation. "Less refined sugar."
It's true that in Iran people still sometimes sip their tea with sugar
cubes clamped between their front teeth; it's true that Coca-Cola has
a vast following and that cakes and pastries are often the gift of
choice when you're invited to someone's home. But fresh and dried
fruit dominate the sweets tables; dried cranberries and currants join
saffron in flavouring the rice; meat is broiled; and water is a staple
at meals. In addition, it's fine to drink the tap water in Iranian
homes and hotels. Like so much about Iran, diet is a combination of
past and present, historic and contemporary, Persian pride and
planetary pop culture.
I went to Iran just after Thanksgiving to attend a conference called
"Women as Peacemakers Through Religion." The group was comprised of 20
women, half from Iran and the rest from Senegal, Sweden, Switzerland,
Greece, Italy, Pakistan and the United States. The conference was co-
hosted by Tehran's Institute for Interreligious Dialogue
(www.iid.org.ir) and Geneva's World Council of Churches
(www.oikoumene.org).
It had been six years since my last visit and it was a treat to visit
with old friends and make new ones. But most important, it gave me a
sense of place and possibility: Is American reporting on Iran
reliable? Is our government's view valid? How do Iranians reflect on
future relations with the United States, in public and in private?
Not shy to say where I'm from, I introduced myself as an American - to
the cabbies, to academics, to people at parties, to shopkeepers, to
current and former government officials and to religious authorities.
For a nano-second, surprise slid across the eyes of half of the people
I met. Then, inevitably, it was, "Welcome! I'm so glad you're here."
The other half had either visited or lived in the United States and
began reciting stories.
None of us, once we got into deeper conversation, was surprised to
find that we hoped a change in regime in both countries would
ameliorate tensions.
It seems to me that as a whole, Iranians value the daring, vigour and
success of the Iranian Revolution. They are glad to be free of the
dictatorship of the Shah. Their pride in Persian culture and history
swells to know it is not a puppet state. I know people who returned to
Iran from the United States in the early 1980s specifically to be part
of this momentous time in their national history.
At the same time, many are unhappy with their country's current
politics and policies. They are anxious about the rhetoric of
President Ahmadinejad. Even if Iran does have a right to explore
uranium enrichment for peaceable purposes, why would US and Iranian
leaders taunt one another with nuclear weapons talk? Hasn't the
Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, criticised nuclear weapons as anti-
Islamic? Why doesn't that simply put an end to this game? Why do both
parties not acquiesce to UN-established terms for the time being and
defuse tension? The fact that the United States is already bombing
Iran's neighbours to the East and West makes this a high stakes game.
What else causes concern among the people I met? Iran's economy is
flagging. The number of university graduates is up and the number of
jobs is down. Young people put off marriage and children, fearing they
cannot support a family. And there is intellectual oppression;
political opposition is curbed, newspapers closed and some writers,
jailed.
Iranians are also tired of gas lines and rationed petrol. Everyone
gets only so much per month. Cars inch toward pumps for hours,
reminiscent of mid-70s America during the now forgotten oil embargo.
Energy savings are also apparent in the energy saving light bulbs in
use throughout Iran's public buildings and hotels.
Wisdom gleaned from this recent trip teaches that patience is the road
to reconciliation, both inside Iran and among its global neighbours.
Blustering, boasting, bullying and jockeying for position come far
more easily to the human tongue than straightforward and mature
communication. New governments in 2009 for both the United States and
Iran shimmer on the horizon, and I'm not alone in hoping they both see
the benefit of dialogue.
Teeth are just one indicator of human capacity for good sense and
endurance, but combined with others they provide reliable information
about real people to sink our public opinion and policy-making teeth
into.
###
* Anisa Mehdi is an Emmy Award-winning arts and culture reporter/
producer. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News
Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Everything Jersey, 23 December 2007, www.nj.com
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
4) It's official: freedom of expression is sacred in Egypt
Abdullah Suleiman Ali
Damascus - It was not quite the outcome Judge Abdul Fattah Murad had
in mind when, on February 28 of last year, he asked the Egyptian
authorities to ban more than 50 websites, claiming that they
threatened national security, insulted the president, and furthermore,
defamed his own person.
When the responsible government branches refused to abide by the
judge's demands, Murad brought the case before Egypt's Administrative
Judiciary Court.
But on 29 December 2007, Case No. 15575 - "The Case of the 51
Websites" - made history when the Administrative Judiciary Court ruled
against Judge Murad based on Article 47 of the Egyptian Constitution,
which states that "freedom of expression is sacred."
Two principles governed the historical verdict, which was ten months
in the making. The first one was that the government is allowed to ban
websites but only when they genuinely endanger national security or
the supreme interest of the state. The second one was that cursing,
insults and defamation cannot be considered valid reasons to ban a
website, even if they are subject to criminal or civil liability.
When reading the court's decision, one notices immediately that the
court ruled with the constitution in mind, and that it tried to get to
the essence of the constitution, as it was intended by the people who
wrote it.
The court based its ruling on Article 47 on the constitution, which
states, "Freedom of expression is sacred. Every citizen has the right
to express his opinion, verbally or in print or through any available
means, respecting the law, self-criticism, and constructive-criticism
to ensure the well-being of the state."
(It is worth noting that this article is the same as Article 38 of the
Syrian Constitution.)
In a thorough explanation of its ruling, the court boldly declared
freedom of expression as essential, and that the restrictions imposed
by the legislator on that freedom contradict the constitution, which
guarantees the protection of freedom of speech, and thus should rarely
be used, except for emergencies.
In accordance with this ruling, the court considered that the
administration's rejection of the judge's demand to ban the websites
shows that the administration leaned towards the court's own
interpretation of freedom of speech, and that the emergency exception
did not apply to this case.
Article 19 of the International Declaration of Human Rights states
that everyone "has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; the
right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to
seek, receive and import information and ideas through any media
regardless of frontiers", as long as it abides by the law.
The court noted that Article 49 of the Egyptian Constitution was in
accordance with the International Declaration of Human Rights.
The court did acknowledge a constitutional gap in dealing with
websites; however Egyptian law does not mention websites and has not
set any rules for banning websites.
In this regard, the court stated that "this constitutional lack does
not deny the right of the government to ban these websites, when they
threaten the national security or the interests of the state,
considering the power of the government to impose administrative
restrictions to protect the general order reflected in the general
security, general health and general peace."
But in the case of Judge Murad's demand, taking into consideration the
constitutional gap and respecting the rule of priorities in case of
conflict, the court ruled in favour of freedom of expression.
The court also took into consideration that the accusations of
defamation could be tried in criminal and civil courts, but ruled that
they were not sufficient reasons to ban the websites.
The ruling of the Egyptian Court is a reminder of how dire the
situation is in Syria, where more than 100 websites have been banned
in the past few months due to a memo issued by the Minister of
Communications. The memo allows for the banning of websites without
the need to offer proof of defamation or obtain a court ruling.
The Egyptian ruling, by contrast, is a true expression of the
legislator's will and is thoroughly explained. We can only hope that
our own judiciary will one day follow the example of the Egyptians,
and choose the side of freedom of expression, in accordance with the
constitution.
###
* Abdullah Suleiman Ali is a lawyer and Syria correspondent for
Menassat.com. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News
Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Menassat.com, 15 January 2008, www.menassat.com
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
5) Beyond literacy in the Arab world
James H. Roth
Chicago, Illinois - Education in the Arab world is a mixture of good
and bad news. On one hand, literacy continues to improve across the
region, with some countries progressing more than others. On the other
hand, the Arab world continues to lag behind most of the world and is
producing citizens ill-equipped to participate in the rapidly evolving
global market. As a result, structural unemployment is a major
dilemma. Educational reform is urgently needed.
The higher education sector is growing in most of the 22 Arab
countries. This expansion tends to be the result of a combination of
private and public initiatives geared toward educating the growing
youth population in each country. Yet, with the exception of a few
isolated cases, the vast majority of these institutions lack the
necessary quality of instruction, independent leadership and
progressive curricula that would train students to complement the
needs of potential employers.
A study compiled by the International Ranking Experts Group and the
Institute for Higher Education Policy in Washington ranked only one
Arab university on a list of 3,000 universities worldwide - and it was
at bottom of the list. It is not hard to conclude that Arab
universities are not meeting international standards.
Arab graduates find themselves at an increasing disadvantage as they
seek entry into their respective labour markets, where their skills
are often mismatched with the needs of the marketplace.
For example, in Saudi Arabia, approximately 5.5 million foreign
workers play an essential role in the Saudi economy - particularly in
the service and oil sectors. Yet despite the government's aggressive
policy to encourage the employment of Saudi nationals, the official
(and persistent) unemployment rate of Saudi males is 13 percent, and
many independent experts believe that the rate may be as high as 25
percent. The substantial investment over many years undertaken by the
Saudi government has not yielded satisfactory returns. The Saudi
results are similar to the results in affluent Gulf nations.
Statistics indicate that graduates are often not capable of
integrating successfully into national economies. Leaders must
question the relevance of the educational experiences they are
providing.
Improving higher education in the Arab world will rest on reforming
curricula and raising teachers' expectations of students, not only at
the university level, but also at the elementary and secondary school
levels. As numerous international standardised tests continue to
demonstrate, Arab students in primary and secondary schools are
scoring among the lowest 20th percentile when it comes to math and
science.
The elementary public school results are by far the worst. The chance
that a public school student from Cairo, Damascus, or Khartoum will
emerge as a corporate leader or specialised physician is extremely
low. Considering the substantial amounts that many of these
governments already spend on education, these dismal results and
indicators are simply alarming and require immediate action.
Not only must the curricula be realigned in favour of math and
science, but teachers should also be held accountable for their
students' performance.
One explanation for the poor math and science scores of Arab students
is that teachers' expectations are too low. As Arab leaders continue
to seek ways to improve education, questioning the quality of teachers
becomes essential. Are the vast majority of teachers qualified to be
entrusted with the education of future generations?
Probably not. The recruitment and training of a new cadre of first-
rate teachers who are well compensated requires serious deliberation.
In recent years, the Arab world has seen a dramatic growth of private
universities. Jordan, for example, has at least 12 private
universities. These recently established colleges will allow middle-
income countries to rely more on private sources for expenditures on
higher education. However, privatising alone is not the answer. Like
public institutions, these private entities must be held accountable
to produce students who meet national needs. Governments, perhaps on a
regional level, will need to create performance standards that will
allow educational institutions, whether private or public, to reach
minimum levels of quality.
Eradicating illiteracy was an important mission of the post-colonial
Arab world. The Arabs have made a serious dent on that front. Although
about 70 million Arabs remain illiterate, that number is quickly
decreasing. Yet, there is a difference between educating to achieve
literacy and providing quality education. By and large, the Arab world
has not yet transformed their educational systems from focusing on
literacy into a system with the institutions necessary to integrate
their young people into their own labour markets and to push their
countries into the competitive global arena.
As Arab policy makers continue to address future development plans,
they must focus on reforming and improving their educational
institutions. Failure to do so will undoubtedly increase the millions
of hopelessly unemployed who may threaten regional stability.
Addressing educational reform must be a priority, today.
###
* James H. Roth, vice president for health and education consulting at
the Huron Consulting Group in Chicago, provides consulting services to
educational institutions in the United States, the Middle East and
Asia. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service
(CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Daily Star, 18 January 2008, www.dailystar.com
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
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