Re: Hu-Wen Leadership



this communists' dog is lunatic !!!!
communists rule by gun-barrel, but this dog speak just as the god with
words "let them".
God job to whom ???
as to this communists' dog, this bed-maid-*** dares not to go back to
PRC mainland, after such economic reasons to make this bed-maid-*** to
flee out from her former husband to suck old-wanton-lice's
wet-noodle-penis with an oil-bottle-son.
to such a dog, it is Good Job !!!!!


rst0wxyz wrote:

I said it many times, I say it again. China does not need election
and democracy. China's politburo leadership is doing a good job.
Let them do their job. They have China's interest in mind.


On Jul 26, 10:13 am, PaPaPeng <PaPaP...@xxxxxxxxx> wrote:

SPEAKING FREELY
Let us now praise Hu Jintao
By Michael Chang
June 27, 2007 http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/IG27Ad01.html

When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) held its 14th National Congress
in 1992, among other things, it duly elected the so-called
third-generation leaders to fill the then-seven-member Standing
Committee of the Politburo, the real power center that rules China.

As suggested by Deng Xiaoping, the paramount leader of China at the
time, Hu Jintao was elected into the Politburo Standing Committee. At
the age of 50, Hu became the youngest member elevated to the Standing
Committee, with the full understanding that he would eventually
succeed Jiang Zemin when the latter retired.

Hu's elevation to national prominence was greeted throughout China
with puzzlement. The question, "Who is Hu Jintao?" instantly dominated
conversations inside and outside the government apparatus, but few had
answers.

For the next 11 years, Hu served in different capacities, each with
increasing duties and responsibilities, seemingly going through a
tailor-made training program for this future supreme leader. But he
largely remained a shadow behind Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin. Rarely
were his pictures or activities conspicuously displayed on Chinese
news media, let alone printed and reported outside China. In the eyes
of the Chinese people, Hu was a non-entity.

Few people expected that Hu would actually succeed Jiang, especially
after Deng passed away in early 1997. Since he was not a member of the
so-called "Shanghai clique" headed by Jiang, it was thought that Hu
would more likely be eased out of the Politburo Standing Committee
after Deng's death, a typical political power play in the
communist-style regime to get rid of one's potential challenger.

But not only did Hu manage to crush plot after plot to derail his
political future, but also made steady progress inside as well as
outside of the Standing Committee, lining up support, especially among
the party's elder statesmen, for his eventual takeover when Jiang
retired. In 2002, he smoothly succeeded Jiang as the CCP's new general
secretary in the 16th Party Congress, and subsequently was dispatched
to visit the White House, signaling to the world that Jiang would
completely retire soon and Hu was ready to take over the helm.

A catch phrase of "who is who (Hu)" was circulated during his US
visit, as the news media there tried to size him up without a success.
After his visit, Hu remained a political enigma in the eyes of the US
public.

On March 15, 2003, Jiang passed the state presidency to Hu without the
slightest opposition, though Jiang did not give up his last but very
powerful post as chairman of the CCP's Central Military Commission
(CMC) until September 2004.

If the entire world was frozen at that particular date, Hu had already
made history in China: rarely in the long and treacherous history of
the country had a peaceful transfer of power taken place without
bloodshed. In addition, the fact that Hu was able to thwart every plot
imaginable against him during his 11 years as heir-in-the-waiting was
a tremendous achievement itself.

How Hu managed to persuade Jiang and his Shanghai clique to hand over
the powerful posts of CCP general secretary in 2002, president of
People's Republic of China in 2003, and chairman of the CMC in 2004 is
a testimony to his perseverance, determination, discipline,
shrewdness, and political agility.

When he first took over the helm in 2003, the Chinese people as well
as the rest of the world had no clue of the man, his political ideas,
domestic agenda, foreign policies, ruling style, and so on. Up to that
time he had left almost no trails to be analyzed as a base to predict
his future directions. He is a man of few empty words, preferring to
let actions speak for him.

Between 2003 and the present, Hu has piled up tens of thousands of
impressive kilometers of travel, more than any of his predecessors
within the same time period. Domestically, he visited hundreds of
remote villages, small towns, construction sites, military bases and
installations, schools, local governments, hospitals, and community
centers.

He mingled well with peasants, factory workers, retirees and students.
He has been called "elder brother Hu" by millions of Chinese Internet
users, a nickname denoting a strong sense of camaraderie and bonding;
it is a genuine rarity in Chinese politics that the nation's president
can be identified as a "brother".

Internationally, Hu has paid state visits to several dozen countries,
lavishly doling out economic assistance without strings attached,
signing trade agreements based on mutual needs, and offering technical
assistance, especially in infrastructure construction, without getting
involved in local politics. In some poor countries, especially on the
Africa continent, he was hailed as a new descending "messiah".

Under Hu's administration, ably complemented by Premier Wen Jiabao,
the reputation of China has soared to new heights. Never before in the
history of mankind has a nation been under such tight scrutiny and
attention by the rest of the world community, targeted for
international intrigues and plots, mingled with jealousy, propaganda,
innuendo, and outright lies about the Hu-Wen government, its policies,
directions, and accomplishments.

The US press in general has been unfairly critical of Hu, often with
biased reporting and commentaries. Last year, the Wall Street Journal
ran an article describing Hu as weak, indecisive, and a shallow head
of state at best. Yet the Hu-Wen government is riding high in
popularity, with a more than 80% approval rate in China.

Under Hu's government, China's foreign-currency reserve has exceeded
the US$1 trillion mark, never achieved by any other nation on Earth.
Furthermore, last year, China hosted an African summit and a Southeast
Asian conference, with more than 50 heads of state attending. Even in
its heyday, the US couldn't muster such an awesome display of
prestige. It makes one wonder what the author of the article in the
Wall Street Journal has to say this time around.

Let's carefully examine Hu's achievements for the past four years, to
appreciate this unique and gifted once-in-lifetime politician. What
has separated him from his predecessors and contemporaries around the
world are as follows:

The SARS crisis. Severe acute respiratory syndrome broke out in China
in 2003, shortly after Hu succeeded Jiang. At the outset, China was
seemingly unprepared for the epidemic, and was accused by the World
Health Organization of willfully underreporting SARS cases. Hu swiftly
replaced China's minister of health, Zhang Yongkang - a Jiang protege
- along with Beijing mayor Meng Xuenong, Hu's own man, and put the
nation's resources toward the national effort to fight SARS.

The Hong Kong political crisis. In 2003, the Hong Kong government
endeavored to pass anti-sedition legislation in the face of massive
opposition from Hong Kong people. The Chinese central government
publicly voiced its support for chief executive Tung Chee-hwa, but
quietly worked toward his removal from the office. The legislation was
withdrawn, the chief executive replaced, protests died down, normalcy
returned. Many believed that the entire crisis was handled with
dexterity and thoroughness, typical of Hu's quiet style. Hu remains a
popular figure in Hong Kong today.

The Anti-Secession Law. China's strategy for confronting Taiwan's
independence movement has long been a show of force through military
exercises held when there was a presidential election to be held in
Taiwan. Time and again, military intimidation had produced the exact
opposite effect, resulting in the ultimate victory of the Democratic
Progressive Party, diehard advocates of ultimate independence.

The Hu-Wen government swiftly adjusted its strategy shortly after
taking over the helm. The Anti-Secession Law was enacted in 2005. It
stipulates that China reserves the right to use force to prevent de
jure independence but also states that as long as Taiwan doesn't
declare independence, it won't be attacked by the mainland. This is a
stance consistent with the United States' national interest and that
of the rest of the the world community.

As a result, whenever Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bian provokes the
mainland by announcing an intent to hold a referendum for
independence, by applying for United Nations membership or by amending
the existing constitution to change Taiwan's official name, it also
becomes the responsibility of the US, often assisted by the European
Union and the UN, to do the necessary damage control, not just China
alone.

Maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait is something China can
live with comfortably for the time being, while it continues to
modernize its military capabilities and sustain its economic growth.
No doubt, in the opinion of this author, the Hu-Wen government
deserves high marks for implementing this brilliant strategy.

Harmonious society. As a result of recent years' rapid economic
growth, especially in the coastal provinces, the gap between the rich
and the poor in China has widened to an alarming degree, bringing
disorder, corruption, street crime, and environmental hazards with no
relief in sight. Concluding that some drastic actions have to be taken
before the very foundation of the nation was eroded, the Hu-Wen
government in 2004, among other things, introduced the concept of
harmonious society and called for a national moral restoration. This
is a long-term process and it may take decades before its effects can
be felt.

International standing. Under Hu's and Wen's leadership, China's
international standing has reached a new plateau, winning new friends
and admirers. Its status as a responsible stakeholder has been
certified time and again, as evidenced by its leading role in handling
of the North Korean crisis, by its lavish but prudent investments ...

read more ?




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