Documents Show Nixon Deception on Cambodia
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- Date: 17 Nov 2005 06:08:10 -0800
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Documents Show Nixon Deception on Cambodia
By HOPE YEN
..c The Associated Press
WASHINGTON (AP) - Determined to win re-election, the Nixon
administration sought ways to use former Teamsters boss Jimmy Hoffa for
its campaign in 1972, the year after President Nixon pardoned the union
leader, newly released documents show.
The material released Wednesday by the National Archives shows the
Justice Department reviewed how far the administration could go in
promoting Hoffa at campaign appearances in an effort to cut into
traditionally strong union support for Democrats.
``Hoffa should be advised that public campaign appearances without
official or unofficial union sponsorship are not prevented by the terms
of his release,'' an Aug. 21, 1972, Justice Department memo states.
It was among 50,000 pages of declassified documents made public from
the Nixon years that shed light on the Vietnam War and a president who
tried not to let public and congressional opinion get in his way.
``Publicly, we say one thing,'' Nixon told aides in one memo after his
secret war in Cambodia became known. ``Actually, we do another.''
Nixon pardoned Hoffa in December 1971 for two federal convictions for
jury tampering and mail fraud, then got the Teamsters' endorsement the
following year. Critics long have contended that administration
officials cut the deal in exchange for political favors; the charge has
never been proved.
The voluminous documents paint a picture of an administration keenly
aware of Hoffa's labor support and how it might be used to their
advantage. The Teamsters also supported Nixon in his 1968 presidential
campaign.
In a March 19, 1971, memo to Attorney General John Mitchell, White
House counsel John Dean spelled out the political calculation after
Hoffa's wife and son requested a meeting with Nixon to ask for a
pardon.
At the time, White House officials were concerned that Sen. Edward
Kennedy, D-Mass., could mount a fierce challenge for the presidency.
``If he is paroled, we may get some credit and he will start off with a
constructive relationship with the president,'' Dean wrote. ``He would
be a dedicated factor to box in Kennedy, and he might eventually be key
for us to organized labor.
``Politically, for him to be released with a sense of debt and/or
interest relative to the president, could be momentous,'' Dean added.
The documents also offer new details on the administration's reaction
to the pardon. By Dec. 11, 1973, for instance, White House officials
were investigating whether political deals were cut, and, if so,
whether Nixon knew about it.
``We are interested in discussing the president's role in this matter
and not in defending any former White House personnel,'' speechwriter
Ben Stein wrote deputy counsel Fred Fielding, noting that a white paper
``answering fully the charges'' was forthcoming. No such paper was
released.
In the Aug. 21, 1972, memo, Justice Department lawyers asserted it
would be appropriate for Hoffa to elicit union support even though
Nixon's pardon a year earlier had imposed a restriction that the labor
leader could not return to union activities until 1980.
The lawyers contend there are ``sound legal arguments'' for Hoffa to
make appearances before union groups. However, to avoid a direct
conflict with the presidential pardon, it is inadvisable for Nixon
officials to ``encourage him in any way to initiate open involvement
with labor organizations,'' according to the memo.
``He should be advised to avoid any official contact with labor
groups,'' the memo said.
Nixon handily won re-election in 1972; Hoffa eventually disappeared
without a trace on July 30, 1975.
The documents also show Nixon's political calculations when it came to
defending the previously secret U.S. bombings and troop movements in
Cambodia.
On May 31, 1970, a month after Nixon went on television to explain his
actions, asserting that he would not let his nation become ``a pitiful,
helpless giant,'' the president met top military and national security
aides at the Western White House in San Clemente, Calif.
Revelation of the operation had sparked protests and congressional
action against what many lawmakers from both parties considered an
illegal war. Nixon noted that Americans believed the Cambodian
operation was ``all but over,'' even as 14,000 troops were engaged
across the border in a hunt for North Vietnamese operating there.
In a memo from the meeting marked ``Eyes Only, Top Secret Sensitive,''
Nixon told his military men to continue doing what was necessary in
Cambodia, but to say for public consumption that the United States was
merely providing support to South Vietnamese forces when necessary to
protect U.S. troops.
``That is what we will say publicly,'' he asserted. ``But now, let's
talk about what we will actually do.''
He instructed: ``Do not withdraw for domestic reasons but only for
military reasons. We have taken all the heat on this one. Just do it.
Don't come back and ask permission each time.''
Associated Press Writer Cal Woodward contributed to this report.
11/17/05 03:21 EST
Copyright 2004 The Associated Press. The information contained in the
AP news report may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or otherwise
distributed without the prior written authority of The Associated
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