Lest they may be left behind
- From: U Myint Lwin <umyintlwin2005@xxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Thu, 30 Aug 2007 08:22:55 -0700
THE NEW LIGHT OF MYANMAR Thursday, 30 August, 2007
Lest they may be left behind
Banya Aung
The 25-8-2007 issue of Myanma Alin daily carries two news stories and
one was about 13 persons including Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi were
called in by the authorities for questioning and action would be taken
against them according to law based on the findings, and another was
about the involvement in the latest incident of the so-called NLD
members and expelled-NLD members, and as such, according to the
report, NLD would be held responsible for this.
Analysts keeping close watch on Myanma politics have a feeling and
foresee that Min Ko Naing's group would face action some time and that
NLD may lose opportunities to play a positive role in the current
changing political trend of Myanmar unless it amends its present
strategies and behaviours.
One can understand that the Tatmadaw government has no choice but to
take into custody Min Ko Naing's group if one studies the present
political situation and acts of the group. Detention of the group and
issuing of warnings to NLD have resulted from the acts of the group
and the party. A study of the anti-government groups after the
regaining of independence will show there is a common and typical
characteristic among them. That is-every time the ruling government
made a positive gesture or sign of flexibility they regarded it to be
a sign of weakness rather than a positive move.
With this attitude they stepped up pressure on the government
politically and militarily employing all possible ways and means. For
instance, when U Nu government in 1948 offered the 14-point Nu
Principles designed to bring the leftists together, the Burma
Communist Party (BCP) and the leftists thought U Nu government was in
trouble and made unacceptable demands. As a consequence the insurgency
lasted long.
In like manner, when the Revolutionary Council offered internal peace,
the armed insurgents concluded that the RC was in the midst of a
political crisis. As they applied pressure on RC peace efforts were
jeopardized. When the Revolutionary Council allowed the BCP leadership
abroad to return to the motherland, the latter thought that the
government would comply with everything. With this attitude they tried
to put pressure on the government launching a pincer movement, from
the above-ground and underground.
In a similar move, the Revolutionary Council formed a 33-member
advisory body and asked it to give suggestions for the future of the
nation. U Nu thought that the RC was not in a position to maintain the
administrative machinery. With this belief he asked the government to
hand over power to him. As he was too conceited, he went into exile
and put up armed opposition. I would not like to elaborate that armed
opposition which ended in failure because publications at that time
carried details of it.
A similar incident happened during the 1988 disturbances. The idea of
practising multi-party democracy in Myanmar was introduced by neither
the students nor the so-called democracy leaders. During the student
movement which occurred in March and June 1988, the students raised
students' issue and that of currency demonetization. At the party
congress held in July 1988, the Chairman of the Myanma Socialist
Programme Party offered in his speech two alternatives-the single
party system or the multiparty system. Then only, did the ex-military
officers who had been dismissed from the party spoke about the multi-
party democracy. Even so, the so-called democracy leaders surfaced and
stepped forward when U Sein Lwin resigned and Dr Maung Maung became
President on 12 August 1988. The so-called student leaders Min Ko
Naing, Moe Thee Zun and Ko Ko Gyi were seen on the stage when Ba Ka
Tha was formed at the Convocation Hall of the Yangon University on 28
August 1988. In fact, they have been able to appear on the stage in
front of the public after taking advantage of relaxation of the Lanzin
party.
On 1 September 1988, the then President Dr Maung Maung offered that a
referendum would be held to seek the public opinion on the
transformation of the multi-party democracy adding that the
constitution would be amended and a multi-party election would be held
if the people chose the multiparty system.However, the so-called
democracy leaders including Daw Suu Kyi refused to accept the offer
and insisted on the holding of elections instead.
On 10 September, the then President pledged to hold elections within
three months by-passing the referendum. The opposing groups had gone
so far as forming an interim government and the transfer of power.
Despite their demands for elections, no opposition leader was in a
position to ensure stability, peace and the rule of law in the nation-
the basic requirements of holding elections. What was worse was that
they attempted to make use of the riotous acts to press the
government. As the situation deteriorated and it was out of control,
the Tatmadaw had to assume the State responsibilities. The political
change of Myanmar would have been faster than the present if they
accepted Dr Maung Maung's offer regarding it as a positive development
and collectively strove for holding fair elections.
If we make an assessment, it is found that the acts of Min Ko Naing's
group are similar to the points mentioned above. After being released
from jail in 2005, he formed an '88' generation student group and
started political movements. First, the group launched political
movements by issuing declarations in the name of humanitarian aids. As
the Tatmadaw government did not take any action against the group for
its acts, it came to daringly launch more agitative campaigns like
white expression campaigns and signature campaigns.
But the government gently coped with the situation and there was
hardly any action taken against them in accord with law. Everyone
knows what would happen if such movements were launched before 1988 or
2004. It was found that the Tatmadaw government dealt with the
situation in a patient way in order to ensure national reconsolidation
at a time when the seven-step Road Map is in progress.
However, Min Ko Naing and group holding negative view came to see the
government as a weak one. Particularly, they became lost in the
flattery of foreign media and diplomats and seemed to be conceited.
Eventually, they were taken into custody and interrogated by
authorities for sending a letter to the UN Secretary-General in favour
of CRPP which announced a self-proclaimed road map opposing the
ongoing National Convention and 92 NLD Hluttaw representatives-elect,
and for getting involved in issuing declarations criticizing the NC
and staging protests.
Unlike Min Ko Naing, NLD came to operate in a different way. It
operated secretly so as to avoid a situation in which the party might
be dissolved by the Tatmadaw government. NLD aided and abetted Min Ko
Naing and group from behind the curtain. Youth members and those
expelled from the party gave a helping hand to Min Ko Naing's
activities. There were pieces of news in the NLD's circle last July
that NLD (Central) issued instructions on formation of more youth
groups in the townships of states and divisions. Although NLD HQ said
those youths and expelled NLD members were operating individually on
their own and they were not related to the party, they were found to
be actively participating in NLD's special occasions on significant
days. Its declaration issued on 20 August says that the situation
among the public is about to explode and that if there was civil
commotion, the government would be held responsible for it. It is
clear where the NLD is heading.
Besides, NLD spokesmen in interviews with foreign media said that they
had sympathy for Min Ko Naing's group, that it would spark public
outcry soon and that the situation would worsen. This clearly shows
how the NLD and Min Ko Naing were conspiring in collusion. Hence, it
seems that a piece of news on NLD's conspiracy surfaced. I happened to
read a news article titled 'fruitful result depends on fairness on
both sides' by Kyaw Min Lu (Shwe Pyi Tha) featured in State-run
newspapers on 24 August.
Although there might be different opinions on the article, the example
of parents and children is noteworthy. The example reflects the
situation between the Tatmadaw government and political parties.
Children always want something from their parents. They would like to
eat nice food, visit places and have fine clothes. Their parents are
usually worried about them. Naturally, the parents consider what can
happen when they approve of anything their children want. In this
context, the parents will fulfill the desire of their children if
there is trust between each other. But if they have no trust in their
children they will not approve at all or will approve only after
thorough consideration.
Likewise, the Tatmadaw government will treat political parties as its
children. Those parties will win the trust of the government if they
act responsibly and behave well. If they continue to oppose whatever
the government does and try to pressure in collusion from the above-
ground and underground there would be no trust by the government. In
consequence there will be control and restrictions. Since 1988, it has
been hard for even the people let alone the government to accept and
trust the acts of NLD. Although the NLD is constantly using the words
such as national reconciliation and building trust, its activities are
contrary to those words. Even in the economic and social spheres it is
difficult to trust the one who is always trying to stab one's back. So
also, the Tatmadaw would find it difficult to have trust in the ones
like the NLD, Min Ko Naing and his group that received foreign
assistance and blatantly launched underground and above-ground attacks
on the government.
The Tatmadaw government is determined to introduce democracy aspired
by the people in the nation. I remembered that when discussions were
held on whether to hold a referendum or not for the choice of single
party system or multiparty system at a party conference held in July
1988, delegates of Tatmadaw Party Committee reported that they would
try their utmost in the discharge of duties assigned regardless of
single party system or multiparty system. Therefore, when the Tatmadaw
assumed the State responsibilities on 18 September 1988 it made a vow
to introduce the multiparty democracy system in accordance with the
wishes of the people.
If we study the international events such as the assuming of power by
the Tatmadaw in 1962 or the assuming of power by the Thai Army
recently it can be found that the Tatmadaw (military) used to put more
or less politicians into custody when they assumed the State power.
When the Tatmadaw assumed the State power on 18 September 1988 it did
not arrest any of the so-called democracy leaders and the so-called
"88" generation persons. Instead, it promulgated the political parties
registration law on 27 September and allow the formation of political
parties. At that time, Aung-Suu- Tin group had become the National
League for Democracy while students including Min Ko Naing and Moe
Thee Zun had formed the Democratic Party for New Society. And there
emerged other political parties such as Patriotic Democratic Youth
Front, New Generation Force Youth Front, National Political Front
(Youth) etc. It can also be found that steps were taken for students
to be able to engage in politics as the age of candidates for Hluttaw
representatives was set to be 21 in promulgating the Pyithu Hluttaw
Election Law.
This point stood witness that the Tatmadaw wished to join hands with
all the old and new politicians and students in introducing democracy.
NLD and Min Ko Naing's group do not want to accept Tatmadaw as partner
in building democracy and instead they regarded the Tatmadaw as the
one that prevented them from getting power.Therefore, NLD and Min Ko
Naing's group consider the Tatmadaw as the successor of Myanma
Socialist Programme Party and they have constantly tried to topple the
Tatmadaw Government as in the 1988 incident. In retrospect, the
activities of Min Ko Naing and Moe Thee Zun and NLD from 1988 to 1989
showed that they had participated in above-ground movements as well as
organized students' unions as underground organizations. Their actions
were on a collision course with the government. At last, they
contacted terrorists at border regions and designed underground and
aboveground armed movements to attack the government.
Due to their acts, NLD leaders and Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi were
arrested and Moe Thee Zun fled to a foreign country. Today, the group
led by Min Ko Naing has its old tactics. Although the group has been
named itself as the "88 generation students group", they have no
intention of contributing to peace and stability, prevalence of law
and order, transition to democracy and market-oriented economic system
demanded by the people in 1988.
The group continued to carry out above-ground and underground
movements which were used to topple Myanma Socialist Programme Party
in 1988. Therefore, it is not unusual for the government to take
action against Min Ko Naing's group. The National Convention will
conclude soon. After the convention, the steps such as writing the
constitution and holding referendum will be carried out based on the
fundamental principles and detailed basic principles laid down at the
National Convention. If the people approve of the constitution in the
referendum, democratization processes including holding elections,
organizing Hluttaws and forming a government will be conducted in
accordance with the constitution.
The Tatmadaw Government is committed to implementing the Seven-step
Road Map. Therefore, it has declared that it does not accept the acts
that could pose hindrance to the democratization process. The Seven-
Step Road Map is essential for the transition to democracy. Each
individual member of NLD or the party should participate in
implementing all steps of the Road Map. If the party sticks to the
current act and policy, it worries me that NLD will be marginilzed as
an abandoned child depriving itself of
the opportunity to participate in the democratization process.
Translation: AK+ST+TS+AMS
Myamma Alin + Kyemon: 29-8-2007
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