from KHRG (Karen Human Right Group)

This is a very comprehensive report on the precarious situations of all
the Muslims in Burma.

It is very sad to read how people suffer in Burma. The Muslim man in
picture obviously have some indigenous blood, probably Karen as most
Muslims who fled to Thailand are from Karen state.

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http://www.ibiblio.org/freeburma/humanrights/khrg/archive/khrg2002/khrg0202.html#Introduction
"Far from being the terrorists of the world, the Islamic peoples have
been its victims." - John Pilger

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http://www.ibiblio.org/freeburma/humanrights/khrg/archive/khrg2002/khrg0202.html

Preface:

This report takes a look at the general persecution of Muslims in Burma
through the eyes of Muslim villagers and townspeople. Emphasis is
placed on the sizeable but mostly ignored Muslim population outside of
Rakhine (Arakan) State.

Muslims have lived in Burma for hundreds of years, although many
arrived only after Burma's annexation by Great Britain in the 19th
Century. Racial and religious tensions have run high between Muslims
and Burmans since independence in 1948. Successive Burmese regimes have
encouraged or instigated violence against Muslims as a way of diverting
the public's attention away from economic or political concerns. The
most recent outbreak of violence occurred in cities across Burma from
February to October 2001.

There are small Muslim armed groups based in Rakhine State engaged in
the struggle for human rights and federal democracy like the
ethnicity-based resistance groups throughout Burma; they are not
fundamentalist 'jihad' groups, nor are they part of any real or
imaginary international networks like 'Al Qaeda'. Elsewhere in the
country Muslims are generally not politically active. Forming a small
minority in many of the areas where they live and facing persecution
both from the state and the local population, most Muslim communities
are tightly knit but very low-key, focused mainly on the daily struggle
to survive and support a family. Most Muslims realise they are easy
targets for the regime and are too poor to get involved in politics.
The September 2001 attacks in the United States have not had much of an
impact in Burma apart from further travel restrictions placed on
Muslims. While the SPDC has not yet tried to gain American support by
labelling Burmese Muslims as 'international terrorists', the
possibility remains that they may attempt to do so in future. The
difficult conditions faced by Muslims across Burma have forced many to
go to Thailand, Bangladesh or India, where they generally have no
access to refugee status so they have no choice but to join the illegal
migrant labour work force.

Notes on the Text:

The use of the terms 'Rakhine', 'Arakan' and 'Rohingya' is complex due
to the political and racial significance of the terms. In this report
the term 'Rohingya' is used to refer to Muslims in Rakhine State and
'Rakhine' is used to refer to the Buddhist inhabitants of Rakhine
State. 'Arakanese Muslim' will be used in this report to differentiate
between Muslims whose ancestors are indigenous to Rakhine State and
Muslims whose ancestors arrived in Rakhine State during the British
colonial period.


Conclusion:

Many in Burma feel that Muslim religion and culture are too different
from their own, yet the difference is no greater than the differences
between Buddhism, Christianity, and Animism. Muslims are seen as taking
over the land of the Burmese and, as some propaganda puts it, taking
over the Burman race. Many Muslims in Burma are relative newcomers to
the country and their ancestors arrived with the support of a foreign
colonial power. Because of this they are seen as not being true
Burmese. But for Muslims, Burma is the only country most of them have
ever known. They were born there, speak Burmese as a first language and
consider themselves to be Burmese. They feel that they have just as
much a right to live in peace in Burma as anyone else. Neither India
nor Bangladesh is their home.

Racism and prejudices against Muslims run deep for some. One need only
look at the present communal violence in India to realise that the
installation of a democratic regime - particularly a Buddhist Burman
dominated regime - may not be the end of troubles for the Muslims. A
repeal, or at least a revision, of the 1982 citizenship law must be
carried out immediately to allow Muslims to gain the benefits that
citizenship entails. This should be one of the first priorities of any
democratic regime which may come to power. It is unlikely that this law
will be changed under the SPDC, as long as the Muslims provide a
convenient scapegoat for the junta and a way of diverting the public's
attention from other matters.


The plight of Muslims in Rakhine State has received some international
attention, but the situation for Muslims in the rest of Burma is often
overlooked and overshadowed by the problems of other ethnic groups or
by the democracy issue.

In the meantime, the insidious daily persecution - the refusal of
citizenship, travel, work and education restrictions, and religious
restrictions - continue, making it endlessly difficult and frustrating
for Muslim families to live from day to day. For the Muslims there is
no place to go. If they leave Burma as the regime sometimes suggests in
editorials in the state-run press, where will they go? Burma is the
only country most of them have ever known and neighbouring Thailand,
Bangladesh and India do not want them either. In Burma as in the rest
of the world, it is imperative that the centuries-old persecution of
Muslims be stopped and that the Islamic people, culture and religion be
accorded the respect and dignity which they deserve. To think or act
otherwise is to play into the hands of dictators and take us all
further back into barbarism.

.

Relevant Pages

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