Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq's Tribute To Tagore ..... ..... Re: mythology of hindoo zaminder RovinDrawNut must be dismantled in Bangladesh

On May 10, 10:06 pm, "VognoDuut2023" <zilm...@xxxxxxxxxxx> wrote:
Mythology of hindoo zaminder RovinDrawNut must be dismantled in Bangladesh





Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq's Tribute To Tagore ..... .....

http://www.thedailystar.net/2006/08/06/d608061504109.htm


Daily Star, Dhaka, Bangladesh
Sunday, August 6, 2006


Bengal Legislative Assembly homage to Rabindranath Tagore on August
13, 1941


AK Fazlul Haque, Prime Minister of Bengal and Leader of the House:


"Sir, with due leave and leave to the House, I beg to move a
resolution on the sad demise of Rabindranath Tagore. Mr. Speaker, sir,
it is not an easy task to pay a tribute in words to the memory of
Rabindranath Tagore.


"During the last few days men and women all over the world have tried
to pay their tributes of love, homage and respect to the memory of the
great departed, and he cannot but at once see the versatility and the
personality of Rabindranath when he finds that people in distant parts
of the world have had something to say, something to emphasize, the
point that stands at prominently in the character of Rabindranath.


"Speaking as a Bengalee, belonging to the province which gave
Rabindranath birth, speaking the very language which Rabindranath
spoke, it is impossible to lose sight of the fact that the great man,
who earned for the Bengali literature one of the highest positions in
the languages and literatures of the world, is no more with us, and
that all that now lives are his works enshrined not merely in books
but in the hearts of millions of his countrymen.


"Sir, I am reminded at the present moment of those beautiful lines of
Tennyson referring to the death of his friend whom he has immortalized
in his "In Memoriam." We can truly say with the great poet: 'We feel
it almost half a sin to put in words the grief we feel, for words like
nature half reveal and half conceal the sorrow within.'


"It is not enough to say that he was great. He was great as a poet, he
was great as a philosopher, he was great as an educationist, he was
great as a humanitarian, he was great in his songs, and the whole
world knows that he could not merely write poetry but he lived poetry
throughout his life He has actually made it a problem with us.


"His realities of life are realities when poetry itself is a reality
and when all is said and done we feel as Bengalees that we never knew
when he was with us what he was, not merely to Bengal, not merely to
the whole of India, but to the whole of cultured humanity all over the
world.


"I leave it to others who can express better what we all feel on the
side of the House and I hope that the few words which I have been
privileged to speak on this occasion will be taken to be indicative of
our deep sense of sorrow not as individuals, not as members of a
community but as members of the great Bengalee race.


"We are proud today to have had in our midst someone like Rabindranath
who belongs to the whole world. Regardless of his physical presence or
absence the whole of the cultured humanity readily pays homage to this
great soul."


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Sher-e-Bangla Was Branded Indian Agent, Fired & Banned For
Corruption ..... .....
He Was Dishonored By Jinnah & Ayub Khan Alike .....


[Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq's party of krishaks and shramiks might have
felt more at home in "Hindu" West Bengal of today than in "Muslim"
Bangladesh because of the perception that government policies and laws
are more pro-labor and more pro-working class in "Hindu" West Bengal
than in "Muslim" Bangladesh]


The August 1942 movement precipitated a big change in Bengal politics.
When Sher-e-Bangla Huq (the then Premier of undivided Bengal) agreed
to an enquiry in February of 1943 to Raj's excesses against those that
had responded to the Quit India Movement in Midnapore, Bengal Governor
Herbert was livid with anger. He forced Sher-e-Bangla to resign. On
April 24, 1943 Herbert had Khwaja Nazimuddin sworn in as the Premier.


It is not at all surprising that there was no tribute to, or role for,
Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq when Pakistan was born in August of 1947.
Even Surhawardy had been marginalized by that time. The man who was
given to lead East Pakistan at its birth by Pakistan's ruling
establishment was Sir Khwaja Nazimuddin who was more at home in the
drawing rooms of aristocrats of UP than in the field with the peasants
of Bengal or in the factory with the workers of Bengal.


"Field Marshal" Ayub Khan had EBDOed politicians like Sher-e-Bangla
Fazlul Haq, Suhrawardy and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on the grounds of
corruption.


The "Field Marshal" was not fit even to polish Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul
Haq's boots. But the "Field Marshal" and his merry band of robbers had
a monopoly over the guns. And that allowed him to denounce the Sher-e-
Bangla for corruption and have him "EBDO"ed that not only barred
Fazlul Haq from running for office but even took away his voting
rights! The Sher-e-Bangla had complained bitterly, after that
humiliation, that even the Britsh Governor, Herbert, had treated him
with more dignity in 1943! Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq died a broken-
hearted man in Ayub Khan's Pakistan.


Once Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq fell out with the Qaid-e-Azam, Jinnah
never ever dreamt of allowing Fazlul Huq a place in the Muslim League
as long as he was alive. There was no tribute to, or role, for Huq
when Pakistan was born in August, 1947. And even after Jinnah's death,
Khwaja Nazimuddin wasn't particularly eager to accommodate Sher-e-
Bangla.


At the end of 1950, Huq, now 77, said bitterly in a letter to a
friend, " The gods of Karachi seem convinced that the people of East
Bengal are no better than goats and may be slaughtered with
impunity... They think that East Bengal contains only milch cows and
that the Royal Bengal Tiger is dead. Sher-e-Bangla, they think is no
more.The time is coming when the Sher-e-Bangla will roar again."


Fazlul Huq revived the K.P.P., altered it to K.S.P. - the Krshak
Sramik (Peasants & Workers) Party, enlisted Muslim League dissidents
and offered his partnership to Suhrawardy who accepted it. Huq became
the Jukto (United) Front's leader. The elections took place in March
of 1954 (Sher-e-Bangla was now 80). The Jukto Front won a resounding
victory,. It won 223 seats to Muslim League's 10. Sher-e-Bangla became
the Chief Minister but in about 2 months in May of 1954, he was
accused of being a pro-Indian agent (much as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
would be a decade later in the infamous Agartala Conspiracy Case) and
was humiliatingly dismissed from office.


There operates a Gresham Law in politics - Jinnah, with his shrill
accusations against the "tyranny of the majority" and against the
"Hindu Nation" was indeed able to bamboozle Muslim Bengal to go for
the Muslim League in the 1946 elections. This was the only time in the
history of Muslim Bengal that Muslim League can claim to have won the
elections. But it is as ironic as it is apt, that in post-partition
era, Jinnah`s Pakistan continued to be plagued by the very same
premises that gave it birth, namely, that one-man-one-vote democracy
is unsuitable for a pluralistic society. West Pakistan`s ruling elite
which had once inveighed against the Hindu majority in pre-partition
India, found themselves inveighing against the Hindu-tainted majority
of East Pakistan. "Separate Electorates" and "Parity" were the neo-
shibboleths to neutralize the majority voters in East Pakistan from
having a significant say in Pakistan`s affairs.


While a vote for the Nazimuddins and the Ispahinis in the 1946
elections may be construed to be a vote against the "Hindu" zamindar
and against Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq, it was not necessarily a vote
for the "Muslim" share-cropper. One cannot get the whole picture by
"monolithizing" the Hindu zamindars either. People like Moni Singh (of
tebhaga movement fame) were from families that could be characterized
as Hindu zamindars.


Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq's party of krishaks and shramiks might have
felt more at home in "Hindu" West Bengal of today than in "Muslim"
Bangladesh because of the perception that government policies and laws
are more pro-labor and more pro-working class in "Hindu" West Bengal
than in "Muslim" Bangladesh.


Separate electorates and the Pakistan Movement were all predicated on
the argument that one-man-one-vote democracy is unsuitable for a
pluralistic society like pre-partition India.


This line of argument suited the feudal aristocrats of the United
Provinces and the mercantile class of the Bombay Presidency which were
Muslim minority provinces. It was a convenient tool to prevent the hoi
polloi of these provinces from treading on the fiefdom of the well to
do in the name of religion. And Muslim League establishment played the
religious card to the hilt.


However, the tactics proved inimical to the interests of Muslim
majority provinces like Bengal. Lucknow Pact, for example, relegated
the Muslim peasantry of Bengal to have a mere 40% representation under
separate electorates to give the feudal aristocrats of the United
Provinces and the mercantile class of the Bombay Presidency a better
deal! Is it any wonder that Sher-e-Bangla Fazlul Huq fell out with
Jinnah on the question of separate electorates?


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