Putin Sets Up Russian Breeding Camps
- From: lorad474@xxxxxx
- Date: Tue, 31 Jul 2007 10:21:11 -0700
The Putin youth are to screw for matooshka..
Looks like Hitler's legacy is alive and weel in russia.
From another ng for educational purposes:
"Sex for the motherland: Russian youths encouraged to procreate at
camp
By EDWARD LUCAS 29th July 2007
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/pages/live/articles/news/news.html?in_article_id=471324&in_page_id=1770
Remember the mammoths, say the clean-cut organisers at the youth
camp's mass wedding. "They became extinct because they did not have
enough sex. That must not happen to Russia".
Obediently, couples move to a special section of dormitory tents
arranged in a heart-shape and called the Love Oasis, where they can
start procreating for the motherland.
With its relentlessly upbeat tone, bizarre ideas and tight control, it
sounds like a weird indoctrination session for a phoney religious
cult.
But this organisation - known as "Nashi", meaning "Ours" - is youth
movement run by Vladimir Putin's Kremlin that has become a central
part of Russian political life.
Sinister: Millions of young Russians at a youth camp discerningly
similar to the Hitler Youth
Nashi's annual camp, 200 miles outside Moscow, is attended by 10,000
uniformed youngsters and involves two weeks of lectures and physical
fitness.
Attendance is monitored via compulsory electronic badges and anyone
who misses three events is expelled. So are drinkers; alcohol is
banned. But sex is encouraged, and condoms are nowhere on sale.
Bizarrely, young women are encouraged to hand in thongs and other
skimpy underwear - supposedly a cause of sterility - and given more
wholesome and substantial undergarments.
Twenty-five couples marry at the start of the camp's first week and
ten more at the start of the second. These mass weddings, the ultimate
expression of devotion to the motherland, are legal and conducted by a
civil official.
Attempting to raise Russia's dismally low birthrate even by
eccentric-seeming means might be understandable. Certainly, the
country's demographic outlook is dire. The hard-drinking, hardsmoking
and disease-ridden population is set to plunge by a million a year in
the next decade.
But the real aim of the youth camp - and the 100,000-strong movement
behind it - is not to improve Russia's demographic profile, but to
attack democracy.
Under Mr Putin, Russia is sliding into fascism, with state control of
the economy, media, politics and society becoming increasingly
heavy-handed. And Nashi, along with other similar youth movements,
such as 'Young Guard', and 'Young Russia', is in the forefront of the
charge.
At the start, it was all too easy to mock. I attended an early event
run by its predecessor, 'Walking together', in the heart of Moscow in
2000. A motley collection of youngsters were collecting 'unpatriotic'
works of fiction for destruction.
It was sinister in theory, recalling the Nazis' book-burning in the
1930s, but it was laughable in practice. There was no sign of ordinary
members of the public handing in books (the copies piled on the
pavement had been brought by the organisers).
Once the television cameras had left, the event organisers admitted
that they were not really volunteers, but being paid by "sponsors".
The idea that Russia's anarchic, apathetic youth would ever be
attracted into a disciplined mass movement in support of their
president - what critics called a "Putinjugend", recalling the
"Hitlerjugend" (German for "Hitler Youth") - seemed fanciful.
How wrong we were. Life for young people in Russia without connections
is a mixture of inadequate and corrupt education, and a choice of
boring dead-end jobs. Like the Hitler Youth and the Soviet Union's
Young Pioneers, Nashi and its allied movements offer not just
excitement, friendship and a sense of purpose - but a leg up in life,
too.
Nashi's senior officials - known, in an eerie echo of the Soviet era,
as "Commissars" - get free places at top universities. Thereafter,
they can expect good jobs in politics or business - which in Russia
nowadays, under the Kremlin's crony capitalism, are increasingly the
same thing.
Nashi and similar outfits are the Kremlin's first line of defence
against its greatest fear: real democracy. Like the sheep chanting
"Four legs good, two legs bad" in George Orwell's Animal Farm, they
can intimidate through noise and numbers.
Nashi supporters drown out protests by Russia's feeble and divided
democratic opposition and use violence to drive them off the streets.
The group's leaders insist that the only connection to officialdom is
loyalty to the president. If so, they seem remarkably well-informed.
In July 2006, the British ambassador, Sir Anthony Brenton, infuriated
the Kremlin by attending an opposition meeting. For months afterwards,
he was noisily harassed by groups of Nashi supporters demanding that
he "apologise". With uncanny accuracy, the hooligans knew his
movements in advance - a sign of official tip-offs.
Even when Nashi flagrantly breaks the law, the authorities do not
intervene. After Estonia enraged Russia by moving a Sovietera war
memorial in April, Nashi led the blockade of Estonia's Moscow embassy.
It daubed the building with graffiti, blasted it with Stalinera
military music, ripped down the Estonian flag and attacked a visiting
ambassador's car. The Moscow police, who normally stamp ruthlessly on
public protest, stood by.
Nashi fits perfectly into the Kremlin's newly-minted ideology of
"Sovereign democracy". This is not the mind-numbing jargon of
Marxism-Leninism, but a lightweight collection of cliches and slogans
promoting Russia's supposed unique political and spiritual culture.
It is strongly reminiscent of the Tsarist era slogan: "Autocracy,
Orthodoxy and Nationality".
The similarities to both the Soviet and Tsarist eras are striking.
Communist ideologues once spent much of their time explaining why
their party deserved its monopoly of power, even though the promised
utopia seemed indefinitely delayed.
Today, the Kremlin's ideology chief Vladislav Surkov is trying to
explain why questioning the crooks and spooks who run Russia is not
just mistaken, but treacherous.
Yet, by comparison with other outfits, Nashi looks relatively
civilised. Its racism and prejudice is implied, but not trumpeted.
Other pro-Kremlin youth groups are hounding gays and foreigners off
the streets of Moscow. Mestnye [The Locals] recently distributed
leaflets urging Muscovites to boycott non-Russian cab drivers.
These showed a young blonde Russian refusing a ride from a swarthy,
beetle-browed taxi driver, under the slogan: "We're not going the same
way."
Such unofficial xenophobia matches the official stance. On April 1, a
decree explicitly backed by Mr Putin banned foreigners from trading in
Russia's retail markets. By some estimates, 12m people are working
illegally in Russia.
Those who hoped that Russia's first post-totalitarian generation would
be liberal, have been dissapointed. Although explicit support for
extremist and racist groups is in the low single figures, support for
racist sentiments is mushrooming.
Slogans such as "Russia for the Russians" now attract the support of
half of the population. Echoing Kremlin propaganda, Nashi denounced
Estonians as "fascist", for daring to say that they find Nazi and
Soviet memorials equally repugnant. But, in truth, it is in Russia
that fascism is all too evident.
The Kremlin sees no role for a democratic opposition, denouncing its
leaders as stooges and traitors. Sadly, most Russians agree: a recent
poll showed that a majority believed that opposition parties should
not be allowed to take power.
Just as the Nazis in 1930s rewrote Germany's history, the Putin
Kremlin is rewriting Russia's. It has rehaabilitated Stalin, the
greatest massmurderer of the 20th century. And it is demonising Boris
Yeltsin, Russia's first democratically-elected president. That he
destroyed totalitarianism is ignored. Instead, he is denounced for his
"weak" pro-Western policies.
While distorting its own history, the Kremlin denounces other
countries. Mr Putin was quick to blame Britain's "colonial mentality"
for our government's request that Russia try to find a legal means of
extraditing Andrei Lugovoi, the prime suspect in the murder of
Alexander Litvinenko.
Yet the truth is that Britain, like most Western countries,
flagellates itself for the crimes of the past. Indeed, British
schoolchildren rarely learn anything positive about their country's
empire. And, if Mr Putin has his way, Russian pupils will learn
nothing bad about the Soviet empire, which was far bloodier, more
brutal - and more recent.
A new guide for history teachers - explicitly endorsed by Mr Putin -
brushes off Stalin's crimes. It describes him as "the most successful
leader of the USSR". But it skates over the colossal human cost - 25m
people were shot and starved in the cause of communism.
"Political repression was used to mobilise not only rank-and-file
citizens but also the ruling elite," it says. In other words, Stalin
wanted to make the country strong, so he may have been a bit harsh at
times. At any time since the collapse of Soviet totalitarianism in the
late 1980s, that would have seemed a nauseating whitewash. Now, it is
treated as bald historical fact.
If Stalin made mistakes, so what? Lots of people make mistakes.
"Problematic pages in our history exist," Mr Putin said last week.
But: "we have less than some countries. And ours are not as terrible
as those of some others." He compared the Great Terror of 1937, when
700,000 people were murdered in a purge by Stalin's secret police, to
the atom bomb on Hiroshima.
The comparison is preposterous. A strong argument can be made that by
ending the war quickly, the atom bombs saved countless lives.
Franklin D Roosevelt and Harry Truman-may have failed to realise that
nuclear weapons would one day endanger humanity's survival. But,
unlike Stalin, they were not genocidal maniacs.
As the new cold war deepens, Mr Putin echoes, consciously or
unconsciously, the favourite weapon of Soviet propagandists in the
last one.
Asked about Afghanistan, they would cite Vietnam. Castigated for the
plight of Soviet Jews, they would complain with treacly sincerity
about discrimination against American blacks. Every blot on the Soviet
record was matched by something, real or imagined, that the West had
done.
But the contrasts even then were absurd. When the American
administration blundered into Vietnam, hundreds of thousands of people
protested in the heart of Washington. When eight extraordinarily brave
Soviet dissidents tried to demonstrate in Red Square against the
invasion of Czechoslovakia, in 1968, they were instantly arrested and
spent many years in labour camps.
For the east European countries with first-hand experience of
Stalinist terror, the Kremlin's rewriting of history could hardly be
more scary. Not only does Russia see no reason to apologise for their
suffering under Kremlin rule, it now sees the collapse of communism
not as a time of liberation, but as an era of pitiable weakness.
Russia barely commemorates even the damage it did to itself, let alone
the appalling suffering inflicted on other people. Nashi is both a
symptom of the way Russia is going - and a means of entrenching the
drift to fascism.
Terrifyingly, the revived Soviet view of history is now widely held in
Russia. A poll this week of Russian teenagers showed that a majority
believe that Stalin did more good things than bad.
If tens of thousands of uniformed German youngsters were marching
across Germany in support of an authoritarian Fuhrer, baiting
foreigners and praising Hitler, alarm bells would be jangling all
across Europe. So why aren't they ringing about Nashi? "
.
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