Islam and individual freedom
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- Date: Thu, 31 Jan 2008 23:45:50 -0800 (PST)
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30 January - 05 February 2008
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Inside this edition
1) Islam and individual freedom by Sheikh Ibrahim Ramadan
In the second article of a series on freedom of expression, Sheikh
Ibrahim Ramadan, a religious authority in Islamic law, analyses the
Qur'anic verses relating to individual freedom and creativity.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2007)
2) The path of centrist political Islam by Khalil Al-Anani
An author and specialist in political Islamic affairs, Khalil Al-
Anani, discusses centrist Islamic parties and the challenges they face
today. Such parties, gaining favour among the Arab public, are rarely
heard of at the international level.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008)
3) Being understood - a basic human right by Jamal Al-Tahat
Jamal Al-Tahat, a Jordanian-based writer, presents a new dimension of
human rights, the right to be understood, at the first conference for
the UN's Alliance of Civilisations. This initiative attempts to
address the "all-too-real problem of mutual ignorance between cultures
and civilisations".
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008)
4) ~Youth Views~ To wear or not to wear the hijab by Hafsa Kanjwal and
Khadijeh Zarafshar
Georgetown University seniors, Hafsa Kanjwal and Khadijeh Zarafshar,
defend their respective decisions to wear, and not to wear, a
headscarf, and highlight some of the diverse motivations behind a
Muslim woman's choice to cover her hair.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008)
5) Preserving Pakistan's history to safeguard its future by Simon
Jenkins
Veteran British journalist and Guardian columnist Simon Jenkins
describes the unique inter-civilisational design of Pakistan's city of
Lahore - from the Mughal fort and gardens to the architectural
influence of Britain to traces of prehistoric civilisations. He urges
the Musharraf government to protect these vestiges of the past as a
means of safeguarding its future.
(Source: Khaleej Times, 16 January 2008)
1) Islam and individual freedom
Sheikh Ibrahim Ramadan
Beirut - Freedom is to creativity what the soul is to the body. The
Qur'an affirms individual freedom and underscores its relevance as it
pertains to our individual decisions. Even the pivotal issue of
religion, namely faith versus non-belief in God, was left to
individual choice: "Whosoever will, let him believe, and whosoever
will, let him disbelieve" (Qur'an 18:29).
Thus, human behaviour in Islam is subject to a person's discretion.
Disagreement between people is therefore intrinsically unavoidable and
indeed expected: "And if thy Lord had willed, He verily would have
made mankind one nation, yet they cease not differing; Save him on
whom thy Lord hath mercy; and for that He did create them" (Qur'an
11:118-119).
Islam does not restrict human freedom in any way but makes human
beings responsible, individually as well as collectively, for the
consequences of their decisions; one must think about one's actions
and consider their ramifications. The possibility of having to deal
with certain consequences may seem to limit individual freedom, but it
provides a deep benefit to society as it perpetually reinforces the
social adage: "A person's freedom ends where the freedom of others
begins". Were it not for this restriction, the blessing of freedom
would be a curse of chaos, and individual freedom would become a
nuisance to others and an infringement on their interests and choices.
But how is accountability for one's choices enforced in the Islamic
framework?
First, it is imposed through the punitive responsibility borne by an
authority that handles public affairs, inclusive of the task of
establishing order. Relegating responsibility to a higher authority
essentially allows for the possible prevention of conflict, or its
resolution should it break out. Since this disciplinary responsibility
aims to preclude transgressions, it falls in line with the hadith, or
saying of the Prophet Muhammad, "No harm and no damage", as well as
the Qur'anic verse: "Lo! Allah loveth not aggressors" (Qur'an 2:190).
Second, Islam places a perpetual moral responsibility upon us that
relates directly to our relationship with God, who will hold man
accountable for his actions on the Day of Judgement. Carrying the
weight of this responsibility reminds man to abide by the values of
morality, which the Qur'an promotes by promising divine forgiveness
and eternal peace in heaven, as well as maintaining punitive warnings
for wrong-doers. No other being has the authority to punish or
forgive. Only God, in the afterlife, judges the actions and deeds of
an individual. Therefore, the individual must work on purifying his
soul from earthly desires and lusts, and bettering his relationship
with his Creator.
Islamic views of freedom and liberty are consistent with its divine
call for man to mould his behaviour and use his/her skill and art for
the collective good, as well as individual bliss. Men of knowledge,
science and arts enjoy a greater status in society for their ability
to clarify various matters and act as the eyes and ears of society.
Moreover, they have an effective role in society, and as such, their
responsibility toward others becomes graver.
Poetry, writing and other forms of art are welcomed and respected in
Islam so long as they do not transgress against anyone. Impinging on
others would consequently trigger a punitive measure against the
artist so as to preserve the moral fibre of a society against all
transgressions in the name of misplaced individual freedom. No one but
those with religious authority may assume an authoritative role.
Art acquires its value from the human cause it is serving. As such,
the work of the innovator must support just human causes and entrench
splendid and noble values. The relationship between art and man, after
all, is a reciprocal one: just as man lives by art, so does art live
by man. Any art that harms human ideals of truth and virtue and
misrepresents society's aspirations shall fall under the Prophet
Muhammad's dictum: "Whoever believes in God and Judgment Day shall say
that which is good or shall otherwise be silent."
In the event that a creative work transgresses against another
individual or is an offence punishable by law, it is the duty of the
authority to summarily take action to contain the transgression,
preventing any conflict from arising as a result. It not is
permissible for any person to convince others or think of himself as
being delegated by God to inflict punishment or to make others
accountable for their deeds.
From both a spiritual and humanistic perspective, art that does not
serve human causes is ultimately beneath the standards of worthwhile
creativity, and is ultimately short-lived by its very nature. Attempts
to forcibly prevent or eliminate such art - what some have called "art
for art's sake" - is in any case futile and one's energies should be
channelled instead toward making positive contributions to our
societies and our world through whatever means we have at our
disposal. Such a manifestation of our God-given freedom of expression
is of the highest order.
###
*Sheikh Ibrahim Ramadan studied at the Lebanon Azhar Institute in
Beirut, and received a Higher Certificate in Islamic Shari'a and a
Diploma in Comparative Jurisprudence (Fiqh) from Beirut Islamic
University. This article is part of a series on freedom of expression
written for the Common Ground News Service.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008,
www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
2) The path of centrist political Islam
Khalil Al-Anani
Cairo - For more than three decades, fundamentalist religious
organisations across the Arab world - such as the Islamic Group in
Egypt, the Armed Islamic Group in Algeria, and Al Qaeda - have
monopolised global attention. Meanwhile, moderate currents faced - and
continue to face - difficulty expressing themselves at the
international level, even though they represent the mainstream essence
of Islam.
Now, violent waves of extremism have waned one after the other, as is
evident from the receding popularity of such organisations, the
disintegration of the central command of Al Qaeda, and its
transformation from a hierarchal system to a state of mind. It seems
that the Arab public has meanwhile become more amenable to "centrist"
political ideologies, which call for tolerance, moderation and
communication with the "other".
This comes as a result of the suffering that Arab societies have
witnessed due to the prevalence of extremist violence, and a wariness
towards martyrdom overtures which inflict death and destruction upon
innocent civilians. However, shifting this paradigm requires that
moderate political Islamic groups be allowed the opportunity to
participate in the political arena.
Moving away from traditional political movements such as the Muslim
Brotherhood, centrist Islamic activists and parties have gradually
established their political presence over the past 20 years. Examples
include the Nahda (Awakening) Party in Tunisia, which was established
in 1981, and the Justice and Development Party in Morocco, which
combines the Popular Constitutional Democratic Movement established in
1967 with members of the more religious Moroccan Reform and Renewal
Movement. Other centrist parties include the Jordanian Islamic Centre
Party, which was established in 2001, the Sudanese Middle Party,
established in 2006, and the New Middle Party in Egypt, whose members
have been struggling for the past ten years to obtain a legal license
for political activity.
There are several reasons to pay serious attention to the rising
phenomenon of Islamic centrist parties.
Such parties appear to exhibit an advanced level of "Islamic"
political awareness that has been missing in the political arena since
the emergence of the Arab nation-state over half a century ago. Such
nuanced understanding of the relationship between Islam and politics
has been sidelined largely by the strife between the state and
extremist religious groups that have come into existence since the
1970s. These continuing clashes have hurt the chances for successful
centrist Islamic political participation.
These centrist parties represent a departure from the traditional
political currents of Islam - which range from the moderate all the
way to the violent extremist - instead measuring their success on the
basis of political efficiency. These parties have the ability to
absorb the concepts of democracy and civil service, and deal with them
independently of religion. Such parties believe Islam can provide a
moral framework for political action by adhering to basic universal -
and Islamic - values like justice, freedom, equality and citizenry.
They respect, for instance, the concept of political plurality and do
not oppose the emergence of secular or communist parties.
Furthermore, they realise the rights of all non-Muslim minorities.
That they are labelled "Islamic" implies that they emanate from a
value system, as does the liberal or social frame of reference. These
parties have the ability to absorb the concepts of democracy and civil
service in a manner that is consistent with the outlook of mainstream
Islam without falling prey to the restrictions of some narrower
interpretations.
For example, centrist parties reject any discrimination among citizens
assuming public posts on the basis of gender, colour, religion or
ethnicity, whereas groups like the Muslim Brotherhood place
restrictions on who could attain the presidency in Egypt.
These imposed limitations for developing an effective political model
have haunted political Islamic philosophy throughout the past century.
Other more extremist parties are entrenched within the confines of
their own religious rhetoric, unable to move beyond perceived
restrictions, which inevitably leads to their political and
intellectual inertness and reduces the likelihood of being
successfully championed by civil society.
These parties also provide a prominent example of the nature of the
relationship between the state and society. They do not, for instance,
impose a specific type of governance, such as shari'a (Islamic law),
but leave society to select the appropriate model. With these
principles, they have succeeded in resolving the historic dilemma of
how to combine religion with politics in public life that has long
plagued all Islamic political currents.
Islam assumes a central position in these centrist political parties,
a pre-requisite for credibility with a mainstream audience and a
safeguard against those who may attack them for turning away from
religion. In its genuine commitment to both the principles of Islam
and cultural identity on the one hand, and to meeting the challenge of
modern political life on the other, centrist Islamic politics are the
only credible way forward for many countries in the Arab world.
###
* Khalil Al-Anani is an Egyptian specialist in political Islamic
affairs and author of The Muslim Brothers in Egypt: Old Age Struggling
with Time and Political Islam: The Phenomenon and the Concept, He is
also deputy editor-in-chief of International Politics Journal, Al
Ahram. This article is written for the Common Ground News Service
(CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008,
www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
3) Being understood - a basic human right
Jamal Al-Tahat
Amman - During a session at the first conference for the UN's Alliance
of Civilisations held in Madrid on 15-16 January 2008, I presented a
new dimension of human rights, namely the right of human beings to be
understood. The conference was an initiative of the Spanish Prime
Minister and represents an attempt to explore possible tracks for
addressing the crisis in the relationship between Arabs and the West.
The spirit of the conference fundamentally rejected the concept of a
clash of civilisations. Instead, it laid the foundation for a new
alliance dedicated to protecting and safeguarding common human values.
The all-too-real problem of mutual ignorance between cultures and
civilisations inevitably surfaced at the conference. Western media has
been criticised incessantly for decades for the manner in which it
stereotypes Arabs - a criticism highlighted in an interjection by
Jordan's Queen Nour - but this criticism has always stopped short of
proposing a method for change. On the other hand, no serious
intellectual standpoint has so far crystallised to oppose ignorance
and stereotyping of the West in Arab media; Arab culture has
stereotyping dynamics that are no less aggressive and subjective than
those present in western media.
Javier Solana, the High Representative for the Common Foreign and
Security Policy and Secretary-General of the European Union, asserted
in a speech at one of the sessions that ideological struggles are
about the relation between power and interests.
Based on this convincing concept, one may say that intentional and
carefully produced ignorance in contemporary cultures is an industry
featuring various styles, models and trademarks, such as stereotyping
in the West or inadequate and misleading textbooks in the Arab world.
This industry's tools are utilised by extremists, warmongers and
conflict peddlers at a great cost to society and global security.
Western stereotyping of Arabs and deficient academic resources in Arab
schools both manufacture ignorance and spread it to a wide audience.
But even if we succeed in eliminating stereotyping in western media
and successfully reform Arabic curricula, warmongers would manage to
find alternative tools to promote ignorance.
For this reason, those with good intentions must reconcile themselves
to the need for a permanent effort to oppose all forms of
misinformation - not just for the sake of the immediate future, but
also for the future of humanity. Just as the scientific method was
developed as a perpetual tool to combat ignorance in the field of
science, we are now in need of permanent moral levers to tackle
misconception and mistrust vis-à-vis other cultures.
By establishing the right to be understood as a new dimension of human
rights, we grant moral legitimacy to those attempting to accommodate
another culture within, and through, their own. In both the Arab world
and the West, well-intentioned individuals who seek to counter the
trend of mutual ignorance and stereotyping would automatically be
somewhat protected by the elevated status of their work once this
basic human right is established.
By activating the concept of cognitive mutuality by expanding our
conception of human rights, we stipulate not only the right for a
culture to be understood, but also a responsibility on that culture to
understand those of others'. This is an initiative capable of
transforming any justification for animosity - due to the existence of
ignorance and stereotyping - into an open invitation to understand the
other.
Arabs resent and criticise their stereotyping in western cultures, but
are oblivious to the stereotyping of the West that takes place within
their own culture. Conversely, westerners have identified some of the
problems with Arab school textbooks and demand that these problems be
solved, yet they choose to ignore the damage done by their media on an
ongoing basis.
An invitation to consecrate the right to be understood as a basic
human right needs to first be extended to the international community
by Arab intellectuals. As things stand, Arabs are victims of corrupt
regimes and oppressive dictatorships supported by the West, but the
Arab world is also a threat to world security due to the presence in
many Arab countries of too many extremists willing to use violence.
For this invitation to be extended by Arab intellectuals has an
important moral and symbolic value: it would show that Arabs are not
only victims and terrorists, but also full-fledged partners in trying
to resolve the world's problems. Such an invitation also puts an end
to the monopoly by oppressive and corrupt regimes, as well as
extremists, who claim to speak on behalf of Arab societies.
The right of human beings to be understood is too universal to be the
preoccupation of Arab activists alone and must eventually be shared by
individuals from other cultures. It represents a coalition combating
the industry of mutual ignorance between cultures but also carries
with it other dividends, including commercial, security and political
ones.
The time to act is now.
###
* Jamal Al-Tahat is a writer based in Jordan. This article is written
for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at
www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008,
www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
4) ~Youth Views~ To wear or not to wear the hijab
Hafsa Kanjwal and Khadijeh Zarafshar
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008)
Washington, DC - We are American Muslim women, who strongly identify
with our faith. We are Georgetown University seniors who remain active
and involved with the American Muslim community. One of us wears a
headscarf, known in Arabic as the hijab. The other does not. Yet the
right to wear the headscarf - without censure, condemnation or
patronising pity - is a right we both defend.
The notion of the sexually exotic but tragically repressed Muslim
woman has resided within the Western consciousness since the West
first interacted with the Muslim world. In an article which appeared
in Islamica Magazine, Mohja Kahf, a professor at the University of
Arkansas links this hackneyed character to the "era of Romantic
literature, and the Byronic plot of a white man saving a harem girl,
[which] continued to thrive in the heyday of European colonialism,
feeding a white Christian supremacist hero complex."
In modern times, the veil has become an emotionally charged symbol of
the struggle between tradition and modernity, between Islam and the
West. It has arguably served as a partial political justification for
certain policies spearheaded by the United States to "liberate Muslim
women" in Afghanistan or Iraq. We, as American Muslim women, simply by
living our dual identity, demand a re-evaluation of this externally
imposed dichotomy. As Americans, it is not our place to speak on
behalf of the women of other nations. What we can do is share our
experiences and insights into what hijab means to us, here in the
United States.
Muslim women are not a monolithic entity. One might think that this
sentence is stating the obvious, yet we often encounter peers and
professors alike who fail to understand that the broad, abstract
concepts they encounter in academia do not take the same invariable
form when actualised in the lives of real people. It is only to be
expected, then, that the reasons and motivations behind wearing the
headscarf, and the form it takes, are not uniform. Many assume that a
covered woman is a repressed woman, forced by some male authority
figure to dress a certain way. In reality, it is this profoundly
prejudiced projection of ignorance onto our beliefs that is
constraining, insulting, and, in a twisted, hypocritical gesture of
concern, serves only to undermine our autonomy and intelligence.
It is important here to clarify that wearing the hijab is not a pillar
of Islam. It is directly related to the notion of modesty, which is an
essential virtue that Muslims, men and women, are enjoined upon to
embody. We say this not to devalue it, but simply to point out that
the breadth of Islamic teachings and practices extend far beyond a
piece of cloth. Yet we wish to address the hijab specifically because
it is so deeply misunderstood by many and is representative of general
misconceptions of Islam.
If you ask Muslim women why they do or do not wear the hijab, you will
come across no simple answer. Perhaps the most prevalent reason
offered for wearing the headscarf is one of sincere conviction - women
believe it is obligatory according to the teachings of Islam, and
reference the Qur'anic verse in which women are instructed "not to
display their charms [in public] beyond what may be apparent thereof;
hence, let them draw their head-coverings over their bosoms" (Qur'an,
24:31).
Some women wear a headscarf because they want to visibly express their
Muslim identity. Other women may wear the hijab as protection, because
according to her conceptualisation, she does not have to reveal her
body to strange men. And for others, the hijab serves as a personal,
constant reminder to remain true to the values that Islam espouses.
Standing out in a society that places such emphasis on physical
attractiveness is not easy, and is often uncomfortable. The women who
do decide to cover their hair - in direct contradiction of the values
and standards of the mainstream society to which we belong - require
conviction, strength of will, and a deep, personal understanding of
its significance.
For those who chose not to wear the hijab, the reasoning also differs.
Some Muslim women interpret the aforementioned Qur'anic verse
differently; they believe that although the principles of modesty are
mentioned and extolled upon in the Qu'ran, donning the headscarf is
more of a cultural interpretation or continuation rather than a
requirement. Others may feel that although it is important, it does
not reflect their personal level of spirituality or religious
practice.
There is a somewhat prevalent perception that women who wear the
headscarf must abide by a certain standard of behaviour; this view
oftentimes deters women from covering their hair. Others believe that
the values the headscarf espouses can be manifested in other ways.
While wearing the headscarf may have been important in the past, today
- especially in the United States - a veiled woman will garner more
attention, rather than less attention, which goes contrary to the
headscarf allowing women to engage in society without being judged for
her personal appearance.
At the end of the day, why a woman wears the headscarf is her personal
decision. It is important that those looking at the headscarf from
outside the tradition keep an open mind - open enough to let the true
reasons and motivations of Muslim women in. To do anything less is a
profound injustice.
###
* Hafsa Kanjwal and Khadijeh Zarafshar are both seniors at Georgetown
University in Washington, DC. This article is written for the Common
Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org..
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 January 2008,
www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
5) Preserving Pakistan's history to safeguard its future
Simon Jenkins
Lahore, Pakistan - Poor Lahore. This jewelled city of the Raj was
recently hit by a suicide bomber aimed at lawyers protesting President
Pervez Musharraf's imprisonment of his top judiciary. As body parts
scattered the tree-lined Mall, Rudyard Kipling's "city of dreadful
night" became the city of dreadful day. The outrage could not have
happened in a more symbolic spot. Just up the road from the bombed
Victorian high court stands Kim's gun - the great 18th-century Zam-
Zammah cannon made famous in Kipling's book Kim - pointing towards the
scene.
While the historic cities of Pakistan's great rival, India, soar up
the league table of celebrity, nothing better displays Pakistan's
current misery than the state of Lahore, joint capital of many an
Indian empire and of British Punjab. Splendid Victorian palaces still
line the boulevards of the Mall: the high court, the governor's house,
the general post office, the government college and Lahore's museum,
Kim's "Wonder House". Even the art college built by Kipling's father,
John Lockwood Kipling, survives, with students squatting under giant
fans in its corbelled hall.
Two kilometres away, across this now sprawling eight million-strong
metropolis, heaves and sweats Lahore's walled city, old and unchanged.
Here, on a wet January night, one can easily imagine the fleet young
Kim darting through the mud and huddles of humanity, over the rooftops
on some mystery woman's errand. At its heart lies Lahore Fort, its
gates, gardens, mosques and decorative finishes the finest Mughal
monument after the Taj Mahal. Crowded outside its walls are scruffy
courtyard houses called havelis, markets, food stalls, brothels and
alleys of unimaginable dirt and decrepitude. Buried within are
shrines, mosques and derelict palaces. Only a few structures have been
restored by enthusiasts, such as the exotic Cuckoo's Den restaurant by
the fort.
In no other world city have I seen so much magnificence so neglected.
Pakistan's ancient sites, those of the Indus Civilisation and Taxila
and Moenjodaro, are well guarded. Limited preservation is being done
on Lahore Fort and Shah Jahan's exquisite Shalimar Garden in the
suburbs. But saving Lahore itself has become a desperate struggle
conducted by a few lone warriors, such as the Karachi architect Yasmin
Lari, and Lahore's Kamil Mumtaz.
The recent blast at the high court followed persistent attempts by the
government to demolish the building, despite its handsome moulded
brick walls and terracotta, marble and teak inside. The authorities
also tried to demolish old Tollington market on the Mall. Looking like
England's East Anglian railway station, it was saved by public outcry
and is now a thriving art centre.
Such carelessness is not for want of help. The World Bank offered $10
million to restore the old city, which the authorities used to pay for
drains. A so-called Sustainable Development Walled City project has
hired offices and bureaucrats, but seems to have lost the will to
conserve anything. Nobody is trying to stop a hotel company from
buying up a street of traditional private residences and demolishing
them - houses that in Marrakech would be worth millions and might one
day be so in Lahore. There is no protection for these structures, and
if there were, a well-placed bribe would negate it.
Even a modest project initiated by Lari to restore the royal route
through the walled city from the Delhi Gate to the fort has ground to
a halt, from a mix of corruption and inertia. The gate itself was
demolished by the British in the 19th century but rebuilt, probably at
British viceroy Lord Curzon's instigation, in the 20th. Through the
murk of the royal route can be seen Mughal arches, lattice-work panels
and classical porticos. All Pakistan's history is here, but
disintegrating beneath encroaching shanties, cobwebs of wires and
piles of rubbish.
Pakistan used to pride itself on its cities being cleaner and more
modern than India's. This is no longer so. While Islamabad seeks to
create a past for itself, Lahore's past is collapsing around it.
Hovering over its ancient walls is a sense of utter neglect, so much
so that some 400 buildings have been scheduled for demolition as they
have been deemed dangerous.
The reason is rule by distant dictator. Some dictators take pride in
their past, eager to make their mark on the nation's narrative. This
was true of the Shah of Persia and even of Saddam Hussein. It is sad
that present-day Pakistan, once a prized province of India's Mauryan,
Mughal and British empires, should have cut itself off from that
narrative. Though eager to be admired abroad, Musharraf has allowed
one of the great cities of Asia to decline into squalor.
I am not sure, but any country that neglects its past loses touch with
its present and endangers its future. From the Indus to the Himalayas,
Pakistan should be the object of every traveller's desire.
###
* Simon Jenkins is a veteran British journalist and Guardian
columnist. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News
Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Khaleej Times, 16 January 2008, www.khaleejtimes.com
Copyright permission is granted for publication.
Youth Views
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