Letter to President Bush
- From: CGNews-PiH Jakarta <nuruddin.asyhadie@xxxxxxxxx>
- Date: Wed, 08 Aug 2007 15:15:44 -0000
Common Ground News Service
Partners in Humanity (CGNews-PiH)
for constructive & vibrant Muslim-Western relations
08 - 14 August 2007
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Inside this edition
1) Lebanon, a lesson in conflict management? by Abbas Barzegar
Abbas Barzegar, a Ph.D. candidate in the history of religions at Emory
University in Atlanta, Georgia, asks whether there is more to the
Lebanese example than "a turf war between rival gangs or a proxy war
between Washington and Tehran". Despite its precarious situation, or
perhaps because of it, he explains how Lebanon's brand of "prudent
politics" provides some lessons about conflict management "the non-
violent, democratic way".
(Source: Common Ground News Service, 7 August 2007)
2) ~Youth Views~ Dual nationality: a blessing or a curse? by Hanane El
Hadi and Menna Taher
Menna Taher, a journalism student at the American University in Cairo,
and Hanane El Hadi, a graduate student in International Studies and
Diplomacy at Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco, consider the
shared challenges and opportunities for "dual nationals" who have
lived in both Europe and the Muslim world.
(Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 7 August 2007)
3) Jihad, crusades and tolerance: a Christian scholars view by Marty
Martin
Marty Martin, Fairfax M. Cone Distinguished Professor Emeritus at the
University of Chicago and co-director of the "Fundamentalism Project",
draws from his experience to show that "how we communicate is as
important as what we communicate" when it comes to Muslim-Christian
relations, and outlines a step-by-step approach for Muslims and
Christians to better see one another.
(Source: On Faith, 25 July 2007)
4) Letter to President Bush by evangelical Christian leaders
Thirty-four evangelical Christian leaders in the United States voice
their support for President George W. Bush's efforts to reinvigorate
negotiations for a lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians.
They also aim to correct a misperception that American evangelicals
are opposed to a two-state solution.
(Source: New York Times, 29 July 2007)
5) Fighting extremism with independent Muslim media by Firas Ahmad &
al-Husein N. Madhany
Firas Ahmad, deputy editor, and al-Husein N. Madhany, executive editor
of the US and Jordan-based Islamica Magazine, propose that the way to
combat the influence of al-Qaeda ideology is through the "development
of authentic Muslim discourse that explores ideas and promotes
broader, more encompassing views of the world".
(Source: On Faith, 24 July 2007)
1) Lebanon, a lesson in conflict management?
Abbas Barzegar
Atlanta, Georgia - With a population of four million divided amongst
eighteen religious sects, it is surprising that the Lebanese political
system has managed to survive this long. Now, this already burdened,
fractious society heads into what promises to be a tumultuous
presidential election. But Lebanon's struggles should be understood as
more than simply a turf war between rival gangs or a proxy war between
Washington and Tehran. Rather its problems and prospects represent a
crystallised microcosm of the range of tensions and issues that face
the Middle East and the West.
The most significant feature of the Lebanese political field, and its
most dangerous vulnerability, is the glaring lack of a central
authority capable of enforcing the rule of law. With the Syrian band-
aid that filled this vacuum now gone, many wonder if Lebanon's famed
recovery from the civil war was anything more than transitory.
However, the fact that there has not been an outbreak in internal
violence amongst the country's political and sectarian factions -
despite the escalation in tensions following former Prime Minister
Rafik Hariri's unresolved assassination and the Israeli aggression
last summer - should be testament that Lebanese society is prepared to
face extraordinary political challenges without succumbing to the
temptation of violence. Arguably it is this dimension of the Lebanese
experience that has created a unique environment of pragmatism which
many others would do well to observe.
For example, this summer's outbreak of violence at the Nahr al-Bared
refugee camp has been greeted by many hasty pundits as a sign that the
country is headed toward another civil war, but for those more
familiar with situation, the problem in Tripoli has been a case of
common ground between the Sinora government and the opposition
movement headed by Hizbullah.
Instead of Hizbullah leaning towards a pan-Islamic agenda by
supporting fighters in the camp, it has unequivocally condemned Fatah
al-Islam and supported the Lebanese government's efforts to secure its
authority as the only legitimate policing entity in the country.
Furthermore, given Hizbullah's pragmatic approach to things, few in
Lebanon fear the Shi'a party is trying to implement an Islamic state
in Lebanon. It may be that Hizbullah's manoeuvring over the past year
is simply part of a clever political plan at a time when its
popularity remains high but its role in the government is uncertain.
However, such criticism overlooks the more important fact that
Lebanon's vulnerability is precisely what gives rise to this unique
system of prudent politics and restraint that may offer a model of
conflict management for the rest of the Middle East. Such prudence and
restraint, if seized upon correctly, can bear tremendous long term
fruits.
For example, since the Israeli attack on Lebanon last year, the rubble
of Dahiyeh (a Shi'ite neighbourhood in Beirut) has been virtually
cleared, making bombed out building lots look like construction sites.
Hizbullah has not rebuilt many of those homes however, not because it
cannot, but because the central government has not issued building
permits to allow it to do so.
What is striking is that Hizbullah is actually recognising the
government's authority in this matter. It would be quite easy with
Iranian financing to rebuild a few dozen apartment buildings in a
year's time and bypass the Lebanese central government. Hizbullah's
leadership, regardless of one has to say about its ideology, is
succumbing to the fundamental principle of democracy - political
compromise over the use of force.
This sense of prudent politics can also be seen on the side of the
Sinora-Harriri government.
The opposition protest camp, which started in January and strangled
the parliamentary offices, has now become a virtual ghost town with
only a few dozen individuals monitoring the grounds at any given
moment. Lodged in the heart of downtown Beirut, it would appear to be
quite simple for the Sinora government to order a few bulldozers to
destroy the empty tents and arrest the few Hizbullah guards on duty.
Such a scenario is unlikely to happen however because it would
guarantee future escalation and spiral society into internecine
violence.
Being on the brink of chaos changes many political equations.
In neighbouring Palestine one wishes that Hamas and Fatah could have
learned a central point in conflict management from the Lebanese
example: just because a short-term gain is possible does not
necessarily mean that one should seize it. It is ironic that Lebanon,
a country torn by civil war, external interference and foreign
invasion, and home to a group on the US' list of terrorists, is
positioned to be the exemplar of democracy for the Arab world while
Egypt, second only to Israel in receipt of U.S. foreign aid and whose
opposition is made up largely of the politically pragmatic Muslim
Brotherhood, resorts to water hoses and constitutional revision as a
means to deal with free demonstrations and opposition parties.
Meanwhile, other US allies in the region - future recipients of a $20
billion military aid package - remain monarchies.
The upcoming months undoubtedly will be trying for Lebanese society,
but given the country's track record over the last few years, in the
face of overwhelming odds, one should not expect that Lebanese
political leaders will cower at the challenge. The by-elections on
August 5th, which were host to an enormous amount of tension, went
more smoothly than expected and without violence-another indication
that things are not inevitably going downhill in Lebanon. Instead, it
may be that interested onlookers learn something about conflict
management the non-violent, democratic way.
###
*Abbas Barzegar is a Ph.D. candidate in the history of religions at
Emory University in Atlanta where he studies early Islamic political
history and the formation of Muslim sectarianism. This article is
distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be
accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 7 August 2007,
www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
2) ~Youth Views~ Dual nationality: a blessing or a curse?
Hanane El Hadi and Menna Taher
Ifrane/Cairo - In an increasingly globalised world, people are
emigrating from one country to another for a variety of reasons, such
as the pursuit of specific education or job opportunities, new
experiences, or even to escape war-torn situations. There has been a
steady movement of Muslims from the Middle East and North Africa to
Europe, and conversely, there is also a significant number of
Europeans who opt to live in Middle East. Faced with the diverse and
sometimes competing identities in their new environments, these "dual
nationals" share unique challenges and opportunities in their new home
countries.
After World War II, Europe conscientiously placed increased importance
on individual religious freedom, making its countries an attractive
destination for Middle Eastern and North African Muslim immigrants. In
recent years, however, there have been increased tensions between
immigrants and nationals and restrictive laws, such as the educational
system's ban of visible religious symbols on one's person in France,
have appeared.
France and the UK are among the top two destinations for Arab
immigrants; yet, they differ from each other in their integration
policies. The French model is largely based on the principle of
assimilation while the British model advocates multiculturalism.
When immigrants from a North African background in France were asked
about belonging to French society many gave the same answer, "Even if
we have French citizenship, we are still regarded as immigrants;
French society wants us to give up our culture, which defines our
identity, in order to fit the French model". Despite this sentiment,
however, some North African Muslims in France, such as new Justice
Minister, Rachida Dati, have found a way to contribute fully in French
society. She both serves as an example and acts as a liaison between
those who feel pressure to give up their identity through assimilation
and the French government.
The experience in the UK is slightly different. One example can be
found in the responses of those from an Indian background living on
the other side of the English Channel who, when questioned, tended to
say, "We are British and Indian at the same time."
The space in which both identities can be embraced at the same time
allows dual nationals to benefit from the best of both worlds, and to
offer the best of themselves to their local societies.
Dual nationals living in the Arab world also experience their identity
in different ways and face their share of challenges.
Ahmed Rashed is a student at the American University of Cairo who has
lived his whole life in Paris and Amsterdam and only moved to Egypt
last year. He has found it difficult understanding some of the
physical manifestations of culture, such as different greeting
etiquette. "In France it is ok for a man to kiss a girl on the cheek
while greeting her; however, he would greet a guy with a handshake.
Here it is the other way round," he explained.
Yet despite such frustrations felt by newcomers, many also report
experiencing the gratification that cultural fusion can offer.
Mariam Ghorbannejad, a 25-year old female who is half British and half
Iranian, is one such individual. She is currently living in Egypt to
learn Arabic and working as an editor for the Daily Star. Ghorbannejad
has had little difficulty adapting to the culture. Having travelled
much she has seen many different cultures and did not experience much
"culture shock" when moving to Egypt. "The English are more reserved
and they might consider the Egyptian attitude aggressive, but I have
no problem with it," she said. She appears to be at peace with the
differences between Cairo and London, saying: "Here it is never quiet,
you have salespeople selling their products, and bakers shouting
'bread' all the time. And you can't walk much in the streets because
the pavement is uneven; but it's easier to get a taxi here than in
London."
Although many individuals who have called more than one part of the
world "home" find themselves faced with identity crises at one point
or another, not knowing exactly where they belong, these stories also
demonstrate the unique advantages to dual nationality: the ability to
feel comfortable - to belong - in societies where those who don't
share this dual identity would struggle to feel at home, and the
opportunity to share their unique perspective with others.
###
* Menna Taher is a sophomore student at the American University in
Cairo majoring in journalism. Hanane El Hadi is currently fulfilling
her MA degree in International Studies and Diplomacy at Al Akhawayn
University in Ifrane, Morocco. They co-wrote this article as part of
the Soliya Connect Program West-Muslim World intercultural dialogue
program. This article is distributed by the Common Ground News Service
(CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 7 August 2007,
www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
3) Jihad, crusades and tolerance: a Christian scholars view
Marty Martin
Chicago, Illinois - Over the past five years, as part of a project on
religious fundamentalism, I've studied and talked with Muslims from
Houston to Auschwitz. And as I've gained a better understanding of how
Christians and Muslims see each other, I've learned that how we
communicate is as important as what we communicate.
Take the term jihad, for starters. It's often used by those who want
to raise temperatures and inspire hatred of Muslims. They tend to
define it as a murderous campaign against non-Muslims. But scholars
and moderate Muslims will tell you that the word's root concept is
"struggle" - and that the struggle often refers to the one within
ourselves over our own failures.
The word crusade inspires a similar misunderstanding. For many
Christians, it is an honourable endeavour. Billy Graham innocently
defined his gatherings as Crusades, benefiting from the positive
connotations that went with promoting the cause of Christ. Among
Muslims, however (and many Eastern Orthodox Christians, for that
matter), "crusade" evokes images of bloodthirsty warriors exploiting
the land and people as they travelled to the Holy Land - a land that
was holy not just to them but to their enemies as well.
There are some less obvious examples of words that don't translate
well. Tolerance is a well-intended but not always helpful and
sometimes offensive concept, for example. Before Christians call for
"tolerance" of Muslims, they should ask themselves: Do they want
merely to be "tolerated"? If not, why would a Muslim? Asking for
"tolerance" can come across as condescending, as if the speaker were
saying, "I have things figured out, and I'll tolerate you with most of
your flaws." In many encounters, a call for tolerance may simply be an
attempt to get others to take their beliefs lightly.
My dialogues with Muslims over the last several years have not been
all misunderstandings and explanations. We have made real progress.
Sometimes it's small and specific - such as using hospitality instead
of tolerance, to convey the opening of one's spiritual home and soul
to the other, especially to those who profess strong and clear faiths.
In general, though progress comes from a set of general approaches.
The first step is to hold up a mirror to yourself. Examine what
beliefs your community (in my case, Christians) holds and how they
hold them. On the positive side, you are likely to find there some
features which can improve relations. Informed and empathic Muslims
also speak well of many elements of Christianity. On the negative
side, the mirror will reveal flaws, and to acknowledge them - without
grovelling or in a spirit of self-hate which can come naturally to
Christians who are fighting their own heritage - will enrich the
conversation. It is disarming when neither party in a dialogue has to
keep up appearances and both can meet each other honestly.
Another crucial step is to educate yourself about the other's
religion, especially by reading their scriptures. In times of tension
and terrorism, agitators tend to highlight the tense and terrifying
texts in the others' books - the Qur'an or the Hebrew Scriptures and
New Testament. To suggest that violence is what the other faith is all
about is dishonest and always alienating. I have never met a Jew or
Christian who thinks that the texts in the "Holy War" books of Joshua
and Judges (or try I Samuel 15) - which license and even command
genocide - are what Judaism or Christianity is about. Those scriptures
instead climax in messages of peace and healing. So does the Qur'an.
Finally, it's important not to expect too much. If interfaith
dialogues are advertised as steps toward Utopia, they will lead only
to disappointment. Creative conversation and common action will not
mean that terrorism in the name of Allah or counterterrorism in the
name of God will disappear. (See, for example, Nigeria.) Yet, wherever
there are genuine efforts to build upon the better moments of the
Islamic and Christian pasts, and upon empathic efforts of present-day
leaders, we can profit from contributions to a climate that will slow
the advance of extremism. Such efforts offer the vast majority of
peace-loving Muslims and Christians some measure of hope, as well as
the chance for better approaches to issues that separate their
communities.
###
* Martin E. Marty is the Fairfax M. Cone Distinguished Professor
Emeritus at the University of Chicago, co-director of the
"Fundamentalism Project" and an "On Faith" panellist. This article is
distributed by the Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be
accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: On Faith, 25 July 2007, www.newsweek.washingtonpost.com/onfaith/
Reprinted with permission from On Faith(www.washingtonpost.com/
onfaith/), an online conversation on religion on washingtonpost.com
and Newsweek.com.
(c) Copyright 2007, Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive. All rights
Reserved.
4) Letter to President Bush
evangelical Christian leaders
President George W. Bush
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave NW
Washington DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:
We write as evangelical Christian leaders in the United States to
thank you for your efforts (including the major address on July 16) to
reinvigorate the Israeli-Palestinian negotiations to achieve a lasting
peace in the region. We affirm your clear call for a two-state
solution. We urge that your administration not grow weary in the time
it has left in office to utilise the vast influence of America to
demonstrate creative, consistent and determined U.S. leadership to
create a new future for Israelis and Palestinians. We pray to that
end, Mr. President.
We also write to correct a serious misperception among some people
including some U.S. policymakers that all American evangelicals are
opposed to a two-state solution and creation of a new Palestinian
state that includes the vast majority of the West Bank. Nothing could
be further from the truth. We, who sign this letter, represent large
numbers of evangelicals throughout the U.S. who support justice for
both Israelis and Palestinians. We hope this support will embolden you
and your administration to proceed confidently and forthrightly in
negotiations with both sides in the region.
As evangelical Christians, we embrace the biblical promise to Abraham:
"I will bless those who bless you" (Genesis 12:3). And precisely as
evangelical Christians committed to the full teaching of the
Scriptures, we know that blessing and loving people (including Jews
and the present State of Israel) does not mean withholding criticism
when it is warranted. Genuine love and genuine blessing means acting
in ways that promote the genuine and long-term well being of our
neighbours. Perhaps the best way we can bless Israel is to encourage
her to remember, as she deals with her neighbour Palestinians, the
profound teaching on justice that the Hebrew prophets proclaimed so
forcefully as an inestimably precious gift to the whole world.
Historical honesty compels us to recognise that both Israelis and
Palestinians have legitimate rights stretching back for millennia to
the lands of Israel/Palestine. Both Israelis and Palestinians have
committed violence and injustice against each other. The only way to
bring the tragic cycle of violence to an end is for Israelis and
Palestinians to negotiate a just, lasting agreement that guarantees
both sides viable, independent, secure states. To achieve that goal,
both sides must give up some of their competing, incompatible claims.
Israelis and Palestinians must both accept each other's right to
exist. And to achieve that goal, the U.S. must provide robust
leadership within the Quartet to reconstitute the Middle East roadmap,
whose full implementation would guarantee the security of the State of
Israel and the viability of a Palestinian State. We affirm the new
role of former Prime Minister Tony Blair and pray that the conference
you plan for this fall will be a success.
Mr. President, we renew our prayers and support for your leadership to
help bring peace to Jerusalem, and justice and peace for all the
people in the Holy Land.
Finally, we would request to meet with you to personally convey our
support and discuss other ways in which we may help your
administration on this crucial issue.
Sincerely,
Ronald J. Sider, President
Evangelicals for Social Action
Don Argue, President
Northwest University
Raymond J. Bakke, Chancellor
Bakke Graduate University
Gary M. Benedict, President
The Christian & Missionary Alliance
George K. Brushaber, President
Bethel University
Gary M. Burge, Professor
Wheaton College & Graduate School
Tony Campolo, President/Founder
Evangelical Association for the Promotion of Education
Christopher J. Doyle, CEO
American Leprosy Mission
Leighton Ford, President
Leighton Ford Ministries
Daniel Grothe, Pastoral Staff
New Life Church (Colorado Springs)
Vernon Grounds, Chancellor
Denver Seminary
Stephen Hayner, former President
InterVarsity Christian Fellowship
Joel Hunter, Senior Pastor
Northland Church
Member, Executive Committee of the NAE
Jo Anne Lyon, Founder/CEO
World Hope International
Gordon MacDonald, Chair of the Board
World Relief
Albert G. Miller, Professor
Oberlin College
Richard Mouw, President
Fuller Theological Seminary
David Neff, Editor
Christianity Today
Glenn R. Palmberg, President
Evangelical Covenant Church
Earl Palmer, Senior Pastor
University Presbyterian Church Seattle
Victor D. Pentz, Pastor
Peachtree Presbyterian Church, Atlanta
John Perkins, President
John M. Perkins Foundation for Reconciliation & Development
Bob Roberts, Jr., Senior Pastor
Northwood Church, Dallas
Leonard Rogers, Executive Director
Evangelicals for Middle East Understanding
Andrew Ryskamp, Executive Director
Christian Reformed World Relief Committee
Chris Seiple, President
Institute for Global Engagement
Robert A. Seiple, Former Ambassador-at-Large,
International Religious Freedom
U.S. State Department
Luci N. Shaw, Author, Lecturer
Regent College, Vancouver
Jim Skillen, Executive Director
Center for Public Justice
Glen Harold Stassen, Professor
Fuller Theological Seminary
Richard Stearns, President
World Vision
Clyde D. Taylor, Former Chair of the Board
World Relief
Harold Vogelaar, Director
Center of Christian-Muslim Engagement for Peace and Justice
Berten Waggoner, National Director
Vineyard USA
###
* This letter was signed by 34 evangelical Christian leaders working
in the United States. This article is distributed by the Common Ground
News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: New York Times, 29 July 2007, www.nytimes.com
Copyright permission has been obtained for publication.
5) Fighting extremism with independent Muslim media
Firas Ahmad & al-Husein N. Madhany
Cambridge, Massachusetts - Robert Baer, the former Middle East CIA
operative, recently interviewed a 17 year old would-be suicide bomber
from Afghanistan who was caught before he could undertake the attack.
An article by Baer based on the interview appears on the TIME website.
In it Baer discovers that far from being a rabid frothing-at-the-mouth
anti-American zealot, the boy was simply brainwashed into accepting
the al-Qaeda ideology. Among the absurdities the boy believed was that
the President of Pakistan, Pervaiz Musharaff, was a Jew.
This brand of ideology is the refuge of conmen. Its influence is
derived from restricting the availability of information so as to
manipulate the way people view the world. It flourishes in
environments where reality is oversimplified into a vapid,
monochromatic, black-and-white view of the world. "Either you're with
us, or you're against us" can go both ways.
One way to mitigate the influence of this type of ideology is by
broadening the worldview of those most susceptible to its grip. While
this task is admittedly difficult in a country like Afghanistan, where
institutions and infrastructure have been crushed under 30 years of
foreign-backed proxy wars, it is equally so in the major metropolitan
centres of New York City, London, and Paris. This is because the
ideologues who organise suicide bombings and videotaped beheadings
realise that controlling and manipulating the flow of information is
more important than scoring military victories. In fact, more so than
being a military threat, the greater danger of al-Qaeda is that it
convinces the general public-both Muslim and otherwise-that Islam is
an ideology, fixed in time and inexorably charging towards a
confrontation with anything "Western." If it is successful, those who
accept this false premise will carry out the war that al-Qaeda has no
inherent capacity to fight on its own.
It is important we all ensure that this war is never fully realised.
To this effect, many within the mainstream media call for the moderate
Muslim community to speak out and condemn extremism in the name of
Islam. While condemnation is important from a symbolic standpoint, the
act does little to change the underlying problem. In addition to
condemnation, what is needed is a broadening of perspectives, a
deepening of discourse and a strengthening of independent and
reasonable thought.
For all they are worth, simple condemnations of terror or the
reiteration of the hackneyed phrase "Islam means peace" are limited in
their impact. What will strengthen the hands of the mainstream, and
weaken the influence of al-Qaeda-like ideology, is the development of
authentic Muslim discourse that explores ideas and promotes broader,
more encompassing views of the world. Islam is not an ideology; it has
a vast and rich tradition of discussion and debate. This discourse,
far from being novel to the Muslim world, in many ways represents a
return to the values that contributed to centuries of peaceful
coexistence between Muslims, Christians, Jews, Hindus, and others in
places like Spain, Jerusalem, and India.
The values that promote discussion and dialogue are particularly well
developed in North America and Europe. Here we instituted them into
core principles that have resulted in a number of important
institutions, including a free press. The freedom to inform the public
of the abuse of power and provide a countervailing force against those
who manipulate information for political gain is a fundamental aspect
of American and European democracy. Unfortunately, due to decades of
overbearing dictatorial rule, many parts of the Muslim world are
without these basic freedoms. For this reason ideologues can be
influential in controlling public sentiment abroad.
Therefore the need for a Muslim fourth estate - a truly independent
Muslim media - is paramount. In North America the signs of its print
and online emergence can be found in efforts like Islamica Magazine
and altmuslim.com. Rooted within the community, these publications
provide a forum where debate on culture, history, politics and society
can take place outside larger political narratives or soapbox
rhetoric. They can meaningfully engage in the reformulation and
development of ideas that influence the Muslim community. It is one
thing to dissect a people from the outside, it is entirely different
when the community engages itself, drawing from its past with a
collective eye on the future.
In every religion there will be groups that reduce faith to ideology
to advance their own political agendas. Either through charisma,
violence, chicanery, or otherwise, they hijack religion as a means of
mobilising the masses. If people were exposed to the realities of this
process and the underlying deceit which it embodies, then the
ideologue's power over the people would be greatly diminished. Al-
Qaeda's long term success is not based in perpetrating violence, but
rather in controlling how we think, feel, and act towards others who
may be different than us. Our long term success will be in making al-
Qaeda's message irrelevant. One way to achieve this is by creating
intellectual and artistic spaces within the Muslim community where a
broader view of the world is allowed to flourish. To do any less would
be playing into the hands of the conmen.
###
* Firas Ahmad is deputy editor and al-Husein N. Madhany is executive
editor of Islamica, an international magazine based in the United
States and Jordan. It aims to broaden perspectives on Islam and
provide a forum for Muslims to articulate their concerns while
establishing cross-cultural relations between Muslims and their
neighbours and co-religionists. This article is distributed by the
Common Ground News Service (CGNews) and can be accessed at
www.commongroundnews.org.
Source: On Faith, 24 July 2007, www.newsweek.washingtonpost.com/onfaith/
Reprinted with permission from On Faith (www.washingtonpost.com/
onfaith/), an online conversation on religion on washingtonpost.com
and Newsweek.com.
(c) Copyright 2007, Washingtonpost.Newsweek Interactive. All rights
Reserved
Youth Views
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