Re: OT:Help Wanted Ads Go Unanswered in West

LK wrote:
On Thu, 30 Aug 2007 08:13:26 -0500, Lone Haranguer <linusz@xxxxxxxxxx>
wrote:


Bull***, say I. We have all the proof we need that the left has been on a crusade
to aid America's enemies since prior to WWII.
LZ
Obviously, it's the Republicans who create our enemies. Your idolic,
killer president has created more enemies for our country than we
_EVER_ had prior to his figuring out a good lie to bait the American
public with so he could get into Iraq for the oil and put his old
buddy Saddam out of his misery.

Your conjuring up a story doesn't form the truth.
Conjuring up a story?
Lands sake. You are so full of yourself.
Better than being full of ***, as you are.

I just furnished the proof that lefties have a record of aiding the enemy and you publish your canned rant which has no connection to reality.
LZ

Pay attention, Linus:

If you read this carefully, you will be able to identify accurately
Prescott Bush and his employer:

Hoo Boy! I'm sure happy that you are on the liberal team.

Please stay there and post LOTS of articles during the election season. I'd prefer if you identified your liberal leanings in the headers though.
LZ

Hitler was brought to power in Germany by an international financial
oligarchy based in London and Wall Street. Faced with a global
depression, the financial oligarchy opposed solving the crisis using
American System methods of physical economic development as
implemented by Roosevelt in the United States, and as proposed under
the Lautenbach Plan in Germany before Hitler's ascension to power.[2]
Instead they fostered the creation of fascist governments in Italy,
Germany, Spain, etc., in an effort to maintain their control over a
collapsing financial system, at the expense of the welfare of the
population. The fascist regimes brought to power were designed by
synarchist financier circles, to enforce their genocidal slave labor
and looting policies and to carry out military aggression in search of
further loot.

This is the same policy seen today in the form of the global effort to
impose International Monetary Fund (IMF) policies of debt collection
and austerity. The leading edge of this fascist policy is the Bush
Administration's current drive to privatize and thus loot the Social
Security system introduced to the United States by President Roosevelt
in the 1930s. The model explicitly cited by Bush for this drive today
is the economic policy of George Shultz et al., implemented in Chile
under the murderous Operation Condor of dictator Gen. Augusto
Pinochet.

Before World War II, when Hitler was engaged in a mobilization to
prepare for aggressive war, the financial oligarchy in London and Wall
Street was completely intertwined with the German-centered branches of
the cartels. During the war, many of these companies continued to
trade with the enemy. That same oligarchy after the war rushed to
protect its assets, and in the context of the Cold War, which it
provoked through Churchill and Truman after the death of Roosevelt,
conspired to use those assets to overthrow the post-war Bretton Woods
system, envisioned and set into motion by Roosevelt, based upon the
sovereign nation-state and the American System of political economy.
In its place, the financial oligarchy wanted to establish a form of
universal fascism without Hitler, in the form of what we now call
globalization.

It was this apparatus of which President Dwight D. Eisenhower warned
in his Farewell Address, when he referred to the "military industrial
complex." The Bretton Woods system could not be eliminated
immediately. That would not occur until the first decisive steps were
taken in 1971 by President Richard Nixon, under the influence of
George Shultz. Since then, the cartels have been on an offensive to
completely eliminate the sovereign nation-state and the American
System of political economy, championed during his lifetime by
Roosevelt.

The same networks which put Hitler in power and today support the
anti-Roosevelt Cheney-Bush Administration, in early 1934 plotted to
overthrow President Roosevelt in a military coup d'état. Simultaneous
with the rise of Hitler in Germany, the du Ponts began to finance the
American Liberty League and Clark's Crusaders, which had 1,250,000
members in 1933. Pierre, Irenee, and Lammot du Pont and John Jacob
Raskob, the former head of the Democratic National Committee funded
the Liberty League, along with Alfred P. Sloan of General Motors.
Irenee du Pont and William S. Knudsen, General Motors' president,
along with friends of the Morgan Bank, financed a coup with the aid of
a $3 million-funded army of terrorists modelled on the French Croix de
Feu. The arms and munitions necessary would have been supplied by
Remington, a DuPont subsidiary. The plot had found support from
Hermann Schmitz, Baron von Schröder, and other Nazis.

However, Gen. Smedley Butler of Pennsylvania, whom they attempted to
recruit to lead the coup, was so horrified by it that he exposed it to
the authorities. Butler was on the record as saying: "War was largely
a matter of money. Bankers lend money to foreign countries and when
they cannot repay, the President sends marines to get it. I know—I've
been in eleven of these expeditions." In 1934, the Senate Munitions
Investigating Committee confirmed Butler's "suspicions that big
business—Standard Oil, United Fruit, the sugar trust, the big
banks—had been behind most of the military interventions he had been
ordered to lead."

Fortunately this coup was aborted. Given the level of pro-Nazi treason
in the U.S. and Great Britain, if Roosevelt had not survived this and
other plots, fascism would most likely have been successful in World
War II.

The Pro-Hitler British Faction
In Great Britain, there was a powerful oligarchical faction which
supported Hitler throughout the 1930s, and in 1940 advocated a
negotiated peace with Hitler. The Link was a British organization of
highly placed Nazi sympathizers. The leader of the pro-Nazi faction in
Britain was Lord Halifax, the British Foreign Minister who would
become ambassador to Washington. Among the leading pro-Nazis was also
the Duke of Windsor. In the Summer of 1937, the Duke had met with
Hitler's envoys Rudolf Hess and Martin Bormann at the Hotel Meurice in
Paris; the Duke promised to help Hess contact the Duke of Hamilton,
who had a direct link with Himmler and Kurt von Schröder, to the
Schroder Bank and to the synarchist Banque Worms. Hess was determined
to forge an alliance with Great Britain, which explains his dramatic
landing at the Hamilton estate in 1941. Also among the rabid British
supporters of Hitler was Montagu Norman, of the Bank of England and
the BIS, and Lord McGowan.

Two other key members of this nest of pro-Nazis were Sir Samuel Hoare
and Lord Beaverbrook. Hoare, as Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs
in 1935, joined with Pierre Laval, Prime Minister of France, to
endorse Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia, in the Hoare-Laval Pact, for
which Hoare was later forced to resign. However, he was then appointed
Secretary of State for the Home Office by Nazi-appeaser Neville
Chamberlain. When Winston Churchill came to power, he sent Hoare to
Madrid to be British Ambassador to Franco's Spain from May 1940 to
July 1944.

Lord Beaverbrook accompanied Hoare to the negotiations with Laval over
Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia, and supported the pro-Nazi King
Edward VIII (the former Duke of Windsor), during the abdication
crisis. In 1935, Beaverbrook himself met with both Hitler and
Mussolini, and in 1936 was the guest of Hitler's Foreign Minister,
Joachim von Ribbentrop, at the Munich Olympic games. Beaverbrook's
trusted aide, Sefton Delmer, who was in charge of Beaverbrook's Daily
Express bureau in Berlin, was a confidant of Hitler, and in his
coverage of the Reichstag Fire gave credence to the Nazi version of
events which led to Hitler's consolidation of power.

The only thing which prevented a negotiated peace between the Nazis
and Great Britain, was the determination by Churchill not to allow the
British Empire to be taken over by Hitler, even though Churchill
himself had been a supporter of Mussolini. (Churchill's letters to
Mussolini, written between 1927 and 1944, were used by Hitler's
wartime commando Otto Skorzeny, to blackmail Churchill after the war
into releasing a number of Nazis from British prisons.) Nonetheless,
it was Churchill's determination to preserve the British Empire which
laid the basis for the successful U.S.-British alliance to prosecute
the war against the Axis powers.

The Preparation for World War II
After Hitler's consolidation of power in 1933, the U.S. and British
branches of the German-centered cartels continued to consolidate their
partnership, even as the German branches, particularly I.G. Farben,
began to prepare for aggressive war.

For example, in 1936 the J. Henry Schroder Bank of New York entered
into a partnership with the Rockefellers, forming Schroder,
Rockefeller and Co., Investment Bankers, whose partners included Avery
Rockefeller, nephew of John D. Rockefeller; Baron Bruno von Schroder
in London; and Kurt von Schröder of the BIS and the Gestapo in
Cologne. Their lawyers were John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles of
Sullivan and Cromwell.

Sosthenes Behn, the American International Telephone and Telegraph
(ITT) chief, and Gerhardt Westrick, the head of ITT in Germany and an
associate of John Foster Dulles, appointed both Walter Schellenberg,
head of the Gestapo's counterintelligence service (SD) and Baron Kurt
von Schröder to the board of directors, to ensure the company's
continuing existence in Germany during the upcoming war.

At the same time, the chairman of the Rockefellers' Standard Oil of
New Jersey, Walter C. Teagle, became director of American I.G.
(Farben) Chemical Corp. Other members of the board of directors
included: Edsel Ford, president of the Ford Motor Co.; Charles E.
Mitchell, president of Rockefeller's National City Bank of New York;
Paul Warburg, chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank; and Herman Metz, a
director of the Bank of Manhattan.

While these relationships continued to expand, I.G. Farben was in the
process of becoming totally integrated with the Nazi war-making
machine, which it in large part directed. In fact, after the war, as
reported in Josiah E. DuBois, Jr.'s book The Devil's Chemists, 24
executives of I.G. Farben were put on trial in Nuremberg on charges of
"preparing and waging aggressive war" and "conspiracy to wage
aggressive war." However, by the time the trial concluded on May 28,
1948, the political atmosphere of the anti-communist Cold War resulted
only in a number of convictions on the charges of "slave labor" and
"plundering," but acquittal on the charge of preparing and waging
aggressive war. The same climate was also to sabotage the efforts to
dismantle the cartels after the war. In fact during the trial, DuBois
himself was attacked by Congressman Dondero as a "known left-winger
from the Treasury Department who had been a close student of the
Communist Party line."

It is absolutely clear that Hitler could not have launched his
aggressive war in September 1939, had it not been for I.G. Farben and
the economic warfare it carried out on behalf of the war mobilization.
Lacking raw materials, as Schacht had emphasized in his 1930 speech
before the Foreign Policy Association in New York City, Nazi Germany
needed to create synthetic materials to run its war machine. Two
examples demonstrate the point.

First, although Nazi Germany would continue to receive oil from I.G.
Farben's cartel partner Standard Oil during the war, through shipments
from Ibero-America via Franco's Spain, the I.G. Farben-developed
"Leuna" hydrogenation process, to produce gasoline from coal, was
crucial to fuel the tanks. In 1934, about 85% of German finished
petroleum products were imported. Without synthetic gasoline, the
Nazis could not have engaged in modern mechanized warfare. The
hydrogenation process was developed and financed by the Standard Oil
laboratories in the United States, in partnership with I.G. Farben, as
part of the 1929 cartel agreement.

And second, without synthetic rubber produced through the Buna process
pioneered by I.G. Farben, Nazi vehicles would not have had tires.
Before World War II, Standard Oil had agreed with I.G. Farben, in the
Joint American Study Corp. (Jasco) agreement, that synthetic rubber
was within Farben's sphere of influence, while Standard Oil was to
have an absolute monopoly in the United States only if and when Farben
allowed development of synthetic rubber to take place there. But in
1936, the Nazi government issued an order prohibiting giving the
know-how for the processing and manufacture of buna rubber to anyone
in the United States. As a result of this measure of economic warfare,
synthetic rubber was not developed in the United States prior to the
war.

In 1938, Standard provided I.G. Farben with its new butyl rubber
process, while keeping the German buna process secret within the
United States. It was only in June 1940 that Firestone and U.S. Rubber
were allowed to participate in testing butyl and were granted buna
manufacturing licenses.

In 1937, Schmitz, Krauch and von Knieriem of I.G. Farben travelled to
London where they successfully negotiated the purchase of $20 million
worth of aviation gasoline from Standard Oil, for Göring's Luftwaffe.

In addition, Standard provided I.G. Farben plans for the production of
tetraethyl-lead, an indispensable component of aviation gasoline, and
at the urging of Standard Oil, the War Department in Washington
granted a license to produce it in Germany, at a plant owned jointly
by I.G., General Motors, and Standard subsidiaries.

In 1938, the Luftwaffe had an urgent requirement for 500 tons of
tetraethyl lead, which was "loaned" by the Ethyl Export Corp. of New
York. The collateral security for the transaction was arranged through
Brown Brothers, Harriman, in a letter dated Sept. 21, 1938.

By the time of the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 1941,
Farben had succeeded in gathering, through its U.S. connections, 80%
of all magnesium production in the Western Hemisphere. The I.G. Farben
arrangement with the Aluminum Co. of America and the Dow Chemical Co.
limited production within the United States, and also fixed it so that
all quantity exports from the U.S. went only to Germany.

I.G. Farben's Role in Aggressive War
After Hitler came to power in 1933, I.G. Farben developed its own
independent international intelligence operation, which operated out
of an office at North West 7 in Berlin. This office was originally set
up by Farben's president, Hermann Schmitz, in 1927. Then in 1929 he
turned it over to his nephew, Max Ilgner, another Farben director.
Soon afterwards, Max Ilgner went to the United States to set up
American I.G. Chemical Corp. In 1934, he sent his brother Rudolf
Ilgner to the United States, where he worked under Herman Schmitz's
brother Dietrich, at American I.G.'s successor corporation, General
Aniline and Film Corp. Schmitz had legally changed the name in the
mid-'30s to dodge an investigation by the U.S. government.

One example of how N.W. 7 worked against the United States, occurred
prior to the U.S. entry into the war. Having heard that Washington
wanted to film its military installations in the Panama Canal Zone and
in Alaska, General Aniline and Film offered to provide the film and
cameras for free. Afterwards, the originals of photos were processed
and shipped directly to Berlin. Copies were provided to the American
government.

Also located at N.W. 7 in Berlin was an agency set up in 1935 by
Hermann Göring called the Vermittlungsstelle Wehrmacht (Army Liaison),
which was headed by Carl Krauch, the chairman of the supervisory board
of directors of I.G. Farben. When Krauch moved on to work directly
under Göring, he was replaced by Fritz ter Meer as head of the
Vermittlungsstelle Wehrmacht. Ter Meer was chief of the technical
committee of I.G. Farben's managing board of directors and a member of
the board of General Aniline and Film in Binghamton, New York. By 1937
every I.G. plant had a confidential representative working in the
Vermittlungsstelle Wehrmacht.

After the war, when asked about this office, von Schnitzler of I.G.
Farben answered: "For twelve years the Nazi foreign policy and the
I.G. foreign policy were largely inseparable. I also conclude that
I.G. was largely responsible for Hitler's foreign policy."

In the case of Spain, DuBois reports that investigators uncovered
records showing that Farben had backed Franco with huge sums. When
they asked von Schnitzler about it, he responded, "It is not so
improbable that we should foster interior movements in foreign
countries."

In 1934, Hitler had appointed Gen. Wilhelm von Faupel as chief of the
Ibero-American Institute of Berlin. Von Faupel was known as the "I.G.
General" because he counted among his patrons George von Schnitzler,
as well as Fritz Thyssen, Baron Kurt von Schröder, and Franz von
Papen. During the Spanish Civil War, Hitler and Mussolini gave direct
military support to Franco, and Hitler named von Faupel as Ambassador
to Franco's insurgent government. With Franco's consolidation of
power, von Faupel used the Spanish Falange to penetrate Ibero-America
on behalf of I.G. Farben and the Nazis.

In several cases, as reported by DuBois, the I.G. Farben economic hit
men used the threat of Nazi jackals to take over the chemical industry
of another nation. This occurred in Austria, where two years before
the Anschluss, Farben used the threat of Nazi invasion to take over
all the chemical and explosives industries.

As for Czechoslovakia, before the Munich Pact, the Nazis had robbed
part of the country's chemical industry and had halted all shipments
of arms to Czechoslovakia's Sudetenland. And even before then, von
Schnitzler had prepared a monograph on the structure of Prager
Verein—a Czech chemical company located in the Sudetenland, with
headquarters in Prague—and a plan for Farben to seize its plants if
and when Hitler marched. In robbing Prager Verein, Farben first robbed
the Belgian interests of their share, then stopped all arms shipments
to Belgium.

On July 28, 1939, one month before the invasion of Poland, the
Farben-operated Vermittlungsstelle Wehrmacht in Berlin presented the
German government with a long-prepared survey of the Polish chemical
industries, called "The Most Important Chemical Plants in Poland."
This was a blueprint for the Farben takeover which followed the
invasion.

Farben had also prepared a document called "The New Order for France."
One of the Farben directors reported that the company's Board of
Directors "considered France not only a model for the plans in
countries which will follow shortly, but a classic example of
large-scale area planning." What Farben planned was control over all
patents, in order to control the economy of the whole continent. The
idea was that all countries should be forced to register their patents
with the Central Patent Agency run by Farben.

When Hitler rejected Farben's "New Order for France," Farben met with
the leaders of the dyestuffs industry in France privately in November
1940, and demanded a clear-cut majority of 51% of all the companies.
Although no agreement was reached at that time, by the next year the
French companies succumbed to the Farben threats and agreed to create
a new combine, Francolor, whose administrators included von Schnitzler
and Ter Meer. Through Francolor, Farben gained exclusive licenses to
259 foreign patents and 53 patent applications. At a sales price of
"nothing," Farben now controlled a new combine valued at 800 million
francs. Farben then proceeded to take over the French pharmaceutical
monopoly.

In each of these cases, Farben, which itself organized the Nazi war
mobilization, used the threat of Nazi invasion or, when that failed,
actual invasion, to carry out its objective of plundering the economy
of the targetted nation and the creation of a Farben-controlled
"globalized" economy.

Auschwitz: The I.G. Farben Solution
to the Raw Materials Problem
The Auschwitz concentration camp was from the beginning an I.G. Farben
concern. As indicated above, Germany could not have gone to war unless
it had the ability to produce synthetic rubber and gasoline. In less
than four years before the start of World War II in September 1939
with the Nazi invasion of Poland, buna rubber had transformed the
German market from one which imported 95% of all its rubber, to one
which imported only 7%. By 1936, the first two buna plants had been
built. Auschwitz was the third important one.

Auschwitz was to be the "buna plant to the east." The name Auschwitz
did not yet exist, except as the German translation for a little
Polish agricultural town called Oswiecem in Upper Silesia, which had
been picked out by Farben for this purpose even before the invasion of
Poland. The location had been selected because the buna plant would
require a million tons of hard coal, and Oswiecem was on the southern
border of the Silesian coal fields. It would also need water, and
three rivers united at Oswiecem.

The plan for Auschwitz involved four presuppositions: 1) the need for
a buna plant in the east presupposed an aggressive war against the
Soviet Union; 2) its location in the east, rather than in the west
near the other plants, presupposed a war with the west, which would
make western plants more susceptible to attack; 3) it presupposed the
invasion of Poland in order to construct the plant; and 4) since there
were not even 15,000 farmers in the area, the labor requirements for
the plant presupposed the construction of a concentration camp for
slave labor.

In 1937, I.G. Farben had also taken into consideration the economic
advantages of joining buna rubber and Leuna fuels (hydrogenation) into
one huge operation. When Auschwitz was selected as the site for the
buna plant, Farben decided to locate a Leuna plant at the same site. A
month later, an order came from Göring approving Farben's employment
of the inmates at what would eventually be four concentration camps at
Auschwitz, in the vicinity of the buna and Leuna factories. Farben
also ran the mines that provided 2 million tons of coal that were
needed every year for both factories.

All the details on the inmates who worked for Farben were kept, not by
the camp authorities, but by Farben itself. The records showed that
Auschwitz Camp I—built in 1940 to house only 26,000—housed 40,000 in
1941, as ground was being broken on the buna site. Between 1941 and
1943, more than 2 million inmates passed through Auschwitz Camp I,
hundreds of thousands because of Farben's labor demands. To the gas
chambers during that period—which did not include the year of greatest
turnover, 1944—went 100,000 Farben workers. On the buna site, not
including the Leuna installation, from Camp I alone Farben employed
more than 300,000 slaves—though not at one time. Some 200,000 died on
the job. Farben records for Camps II and III were not to be found.
Camp IV, which was called "Monowitz," was known as "Farben's
concentration camp." Built for 5,000 workers, it held as many as
20,000 at one time.

The conditions in the Farben-run factories were worse than in the
camps. "Prisoners were condemned to burn out their own body weight by
working," said a Czech physician. Even the SS complained about the
treatment of the inmates by the Farben employees. Before the
construction of the plants was completed, nine out of ten punishments
were meted out by Farben employees. From the beginning there was a
direct relationship between the production requirements set by Farben
and the treatment of the inmates.

At the end of February 1943, a modern crematorium was inaugurated at
Auschwitz. The Zyclon B gas which was used to gas the concentration
camp victims to death was invented by I.G. Farbenindustrie, which had
an absolute world monopoly of its sale by 1934. Every can of Zyclon B
that went to Auschwitz was produced by I.G. Farben.

Trading With the Enemy
During the war, the Rockefellers' Chase National Bank kept its offices
open in Nazi-occupied France, handling the accounts of the Nazi
Ambassador, Otto Abetz, who funded the Revolutionary Synarchist
Movement (Mouvement Synarchique Revolutionaire), which liquidated
anti-Nazi cells in Paris. This movement, like the National Synarchist
Union of Mexico, which was founded in 1937 by the Nazis, explicitly
contained the name synarchism in its title. However, all of the
fascist movements from the early 1920s through 1945, including the
Nazis, were synarchist creations of the international financial
oligarchy. (See box.)

Chase also handled the transactions of the Nazi Banco Aléman
Transatlántico, which was the comptroller of the Nazi Party in
Ibero-America. On April 17, 1945, Chase National Bank of New York was
placed on trial in Federal court on charges of having violated the
Trading With the Enemy Act, for not having frozen the Smit diamond
accounts.

The case involved Leonard Smit, a prominent diamond merchant in New
York City, who in May 1940 began smuggling commercial and industrial
diamonds to Nazi Germany through Panama. Roosevelt had issued orders
freezing his accounts, but a few days later, Chase officials unblocked
the funds at Smit's request, allowing the diamonds to be sent from the
Canal Zone to Berlin.

Chase was acquitted; the fact that it had continued its activities in
Nazi-occupied France during the entire war was not made public.

We have already documented how I.G. Farben utilized its relationship
to Standard Oil before the war to weaken the United States and to
strengthen the Nazi war machine. During the war, Standard Oil of New
Jersey continued to supply oil to the Nazis, through shipments to
fascist Spain, paid for by Franco funds that had been unblocked by the
Federal Reserve Bank.

Secretary of State Cordell Hull, who would later denounce Argentina
for collaborating with the Nazis, in 1943 covered up for Standard Oil
by declaring that oil being shipped to Spain came from the Caribbean
and not from the United States, and was hauled by Spanish tankers.

On Feb. 27, 1942, Thurman Arnold, chief of the U.S. Anti-Trust
Division, confronted William Farish, president of Standard Oil. Arnold
charged that "by continuing to favor Hitler in the rubber deal and
patent arrangements," Standard Oil "had acted against the interests of
the American government." He suggested "a fine of $1.5 million and a
consent decree, whereby Standard would turn over for the duration all
the patents" in question. When Farish refused, charges of criminal
conspiracy with the enemy were filed in Newark, New Jersey. However,
they were later dropped, in return for Standard releasing its patents
and paying a modest fine. Farish had to pay a paltry fine of $1,000.

On July 13, 1944, as the war was raging, Standard Oil of New Jersey
sued the U.S. government for having seized the synthetic rubber
patents. On Nov. 7, 1945, Judge Charles E. Wyzanski decided in favor
of the government. An appeal was denied, when on Sept. 22, 1947, Judge
Charles Clark made the following declaration: "Standard Oil can be
considered an enemy national in view of its relationships with I.G.
Farben after the United States and Germany had become active enemies."

Throughout World War II, the American International Telephone and
Telegraph (ITT) corporation remained in a partnership with the Nazi
government. The German branch of ITT, of which John Foster Dulles's
law partner Gerhardt Westrich was chairman, provided the German Army,
Navy, and Air Force with telephones, air raid warning devices, radar
equipment, fuses for artillery shells, etc.

ITT also handled traffic between Ibero-American countries and the Axis
nations. CIDRA, ITT's Argentine subsidiary, handled calls to Buenos
Aires, Germany, Hungary, and Romania. Another ITT subsidiary, the
United River Plate Telephone Co., handled 622 telephone calls between
Argentina and Berlin in the first seven months of 1942 alone. Brazil
and Peru were supervised from Argentina, since Argentina had not
declared war on the Axis.

ITT, RCA, British Cable and Wireless, the Nazi company Telefunken, the
Mussolini government's Italcable, and Vichy France's Compagnie
Générale had a share in TTP (Telegráfica y Telefónica del Plata), an
Axis-controlled company providing telegraph and telephone service
between Buenos Aires and Montevideo, Uruguay. Nazis in Montevideo
could telephone Buenos Aires through TTP without coming under control
of either the state-owned system in Uruguay or the ITT system in
Argentina.

Messages were transmitted directly to Berlin and Rome by Transradio,
the board of which was a mixture of German Nazi, Italian Fascist, and
Allied members. The president of the board in Buenos Aires, Ernesto
Aguirre, was also on the board of the Nazi branch of General Electric,
as well as of Italian, Japanese, and German companies. This situation
meant that many messages could not be sent to Allied capitals by U.S.
embassies or consulates without going through Axis hands first!

During the war, the Swedish-based ball-bearing trust (Svenska Kullager
Fabriken—SKF), whose chief financier was the Swedish Enskilda Bank,
shipped ball bearings needed by the Allied war effort to
Ibero-American Nazi-associated firms. One of the directors of the U.S.
branch of SKF in Philadelphia was Göring's second cousin by marriage,
Hugo von Rosen. The ball bearings travelled from American ports on
Panamanian-registered vessels to South American ports, then were
reshipped via Spain, Portugal, and Switzerland. In 1943, when Germany
began to run short of ball bearings, von Rosen arranged for reshipment
from Rio de Janeiro and Buenos Aires via Sweden.

Henry Ford was also an early supporter of Hitler. His book The
International Jew was released in 1927, and distributed widely in
Ibero-America. He was one of the few people praised in Hitler's Mein
Kampf, and sent Hitler 50,000 Reichsmarks a year. Ford, like James D.
Mooney of General Motors, received the order of the Golden Eagle in
1938 from Hitler. Carl Krauch, the chairman of I.G. Farben's
supervisory board of directors and the first head of the
Vermittlungsstelle Wehrmacht (Farben's Army Liaison Office) was the
director of the Ford Motor Co. of Germany.

In April 1943, a U.S. government investigation into the Ford
subsidiaries in France concluded that "their production is solely for
the benefit of Germany and the countries under its occupation."
Moreover, "the increased activity of the French Ford subsidiaries on
behalf of Germans receives the commendation of the Ford family in
America."

The Banque Worms and Synarchism
Despite their pre-war activities, in 1940, it became clear to many of
those in the financial oligarchy who had helped bring Hitler to power,
that he had become a Frankenstein's monster, who was jeopardizing
their plans for a globalized financial empire, inclusive of
Anglo-Saxon interests. This grouping, centered in the Banque Worms,
wanted to conclude the war quickly by eliminating Hitler and his
Gestapo in Germany, and by replacing Prime Minister Winston Churchill
with Lord Beaverbrook and Sir Samuel Hoare in Great Britain.

The objective of this grouping, which was essentially to create a form
of universal fascism without Hitler, was to become the operative
principle of the Synarchist International after the war. Their
gameplan was clearly enunciated in a declassified U.S. intelligence
document from 1940, entitled " 'Synarchie' and the policy of the
Banque Worms group." It should be noted that after the war, the
economic aide to Brig. Gen. William H. Draper, who sabotaged
decartelization, was Alexander Kreuter, who worked at Banque Worms.

The document reports that "the reactionary movement known as
'Synarchie' has been in existence in France for nearly a century. Its
aim has always been to carry out a bloodless revolution, inspired by
the upper classes, aimed at producing a form of government by
'technicians' (the founder of the movement was a 'polytechnician'),
under which home and foreign policy would be subordinated to
international economy.

"The aims of the Banque Worms group are the same as those of
'Synarchie,' and the leaders of the two groups are, in most cases
identical."

The intelligence report continues that the continental program of the
synarchist Banque Worms group was "to check any new social schemes
which might tend to weaken the power of the international financiers
and industrialists" and "to work for the ultimate complete control of
all industry by international finance and industry."

The Worms group also "intended to take advantage of Franco-German
collaboration to conclude a series of agreements with German
industries, thereby establishing a solid community of interests
between French and German industrialists, which will tend to
strengthen the hands of international finance and industry. It is
hoped that the Franco-German 'bloc,' thus created, will be in a
position: a) to effect a fusion with Anglo-Saxon industry after the
war; b) to neutralize any attempt to extend Socialism under the Hitler
program; and c) to prevent the development of any European customs
union excluding Anglo-Saxon interests."

According to the report, "there is reason to believe that both Göring
and Dr. Funk are in sympathy with these aspirations. It is alleged
that certain industrial circles in Great Britain are also in sympathy
with the movement. Some headway is claimed to have been made in
securing the adhesion of big U.S. industry to the movement."

The Worms group desires "a speedy conclusion to the war, the
continuation of which they believe could only lead to the ruin of the
heavy industrial interests." In regard to Great Britain, their aims
are "to bring about the fall of the Churchill government" and "to
bring about the formation of a new government including Sir Samuel
Hoare, Lord Beaverbrook and Mr. Hore-Belisha." Through Hoare, they
want "to bring about an agreement between British industry and the
Franco-German 'bloc,' " and "to protect Anglo-Saxon interests on the
continent."

Their policy toward Germany is "to eliminate Hitler, Goebbels and
Himmler with his Gestapo and thus facilitate the formation of an
Anglo-Franco-German economic bloc."

Operation Sunrise and the Cold War
With the death of U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt in 1945, as the
war came to a conclusion in Europe, the post-war synarchist objective
of forming a globalized economic bloc was immediately put into effect.
The first step was to break up the wartime alliance with the Soviet
Union and to form an anti-communist bloc, incorporating elements of
the Nazi machine.

Almost immediately after Roosevelt's death, Operation Sunrise was
concluded: a negotiated surrender of German forces in Northern Italy,
conducted between Allen Dulles and SS Gen. Karl Wolff. This began the
process of building a Cold War bridge between Nazi anti-communism and
Anglo-American anti-communism.

As we have seen, prior to the war, both Allen Dulles and John Foster
Dulles of Sullivan and Cromwell law firm were lawyers for the core of
the Nazi-Anglo-American cartels. Allen Dulles was actually a board
member of Schroder, Rockefeller and Co. So it should come as no
surprise that he, as the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) chief in
Bern, Switzerland during the war would negotiate the surrender of
German forces in Northern Italy with SS Gen. Karl Wolff, the SS and
police chief of Northern Italy, on May 2, 1945, just five days before
the general surrender at Rheims.

Dulles would later be made deputy chief of the CIA under Truman in
1950, and then head of the CIA under Eisenhower in 1953. His brother,
John Foster Dulles, would become Secretary of State under Eisenhower.
Allen Dulles's assistant in the Operation Sunrise negotiations, James
Jesus Angleton, would follow him into the CIA, while Gen. Lyman
Lemnitzer, who collaborated with Dulles in the Sunrise negotiations,
would later become commander of NATO forces and chairman of the U.S.
Joint Chiefs of Staff.

For his part, Dulles clearly saw the negotiations as a step in the
direction of building a post-war anti-Soviet alliance with those
elements of the Nazi Party and SS who could be "salvaged." For this
reason, he wanted to exclude the Soviet Union from any participation
in the surrender negotiations. When the Soviets heard about this, they
demanded that the negotiations be broken off, if they were not to be
included. Averell Harriman, who was the U.S. Ambassador in Moscow at
the time, backed Dulles up by maintaining that there was "no
justification" for Soviet participation. In a letter to Roosevelt,
Stalin alleged "that the initiative in this whole affair ... in Bern
belongs to the British."

In Italy itself, Dulles was concerned to prevent Communist-controlled
elements of the Italian anti-Fascist partisan resistance from taking
power, in the context of the chaos which might ensue after a Nazi
military retreat. After the war, this concern would result in the
organization of fascist "stay behind" units, under the aegis of
Operation Gladio.

On Wolff's part, it is clear that he hoped that the negotiations would
result in a rift between the Anglo-Americans and the Soviets. Some of
his collaborators even hoped that they would be able to "return to the
Reich, and together with the Anglo-American units continue the fight
against Russia." Wolff was more realistic; he knew this was not
possible, but he hoped to extract guarantees from Dulles that the
"idealistic" and "decent" men of the Nazi Party and SS, including
himself naturally, would be protected and allowed to play an "active
part in the reconstruction."

Throughout the negotiations and even afterward, Wolff remained a
dyed-in-the-wool Nazi, who in discussions with Allied officers
referred to Poles, for example, as "Slavonic mongols." At one point he
told two of his SS subordinates: "We'll get our Reich back again. The
others will begin to fight amongst themselves eventually and then
we'll be in the middle and can play off one against the other."
Although Dulles would describe him as a "distinctive" and "dynamic"
personality, not all of the negotiators were so impressed. Britain's
Gen. Terence Airey was clearly repulsed by Wolff's "three chins and
fat fingers with diamond rings."

Initially, Wolff was protected by Dulles, Lemnitzer, and others. With
their help, he narrowly missed being included among the defendants at
Nuremberg. In 1949, he was prosecuted by the British in a trial in
Hamburg, but was acquitted after receiving affidavits from Dulles and
Lemnitzer on his behalf. However, in 1962, after the Adolf Eichmann
trial in Israel, the West German government put him on trial for
planning the extermination of Jews during his years as Himmler's
adjutant and SS liaison officer at Hitler's headquarters. In 1942, he
had written a letter expressing his "special joy that now five
thousand members of the Chosen People are going to Treblinka every
day." This time, he was found guilty.

The attempt to protect Wolff was merely part of a much broader
post-war operation to protect and coopt some Nazis to participate in
the reconstruction of Germany, under conditions of the emerging Cold
War, while at the same time helping others to escape Germany through
the Nazi "rat-lines." Indeed, some Nazi war criminals were tried at
Nuremberg and elsewhere. But under the leadership of Allen Dulles and
James Jesus Angleton, other Nazis and Nazi-collaborators were helped
to escape through Italy and Franco's Spain to Ibero-America and
Southwest Asia. This operation was coordinated by Dulles and Angleton,
with corrupt elements of the Catholic Church in Italy. Those who
escaped to Ibero-America went there via Argentina, which, under Juan
and Evita Perón, became a haven and transit point for thousands of
Nazi war criminals, until Peron shut down the operation in 1949-50.

There were at least three other spinoffs of Operation Sunrise. The
first was a covert operation called Operation Amadeus, to fund the
flight of SS and Nazi war criminals to Ibero-America through the drug
trade. Large stocks of SS morphine were smuggled to Ibero-America for
this purpose.

Counterfeit British banknotes, forged in a second covert operation
called Operation Bernhardt, were also used to fund the rat-lines.

And thirdly, at the same time as thousands of Nazis were smuggled into
Ibero-America, others were organized into "stay behind" units under
the aegis of Operation Gladio.

Three of the key Nazis who were protected after the war to become
Western assets in the Cold War against the Soviet Union were Reinhard
Gehlen, Hjalmar Schacht, and Hitler's commando, Otto Skorzeny, who was
married to Schacht's niece. Gehlen, the former general in command of
Nazi intelligence on the Eastern Front, was recruited by Dulles to
work with the CIA after the war, until 1956 when he became chief
intelligence officer for the new West German government. After the
war, Schacht played a crucial role in protecting the assets of Nazi
industrialists, and Skorzeny was key in running the Nazi "rat-lines."

Sabotage of the Decartelization Program
While Dulles organized the rat-lines to protect Nazi assets, all
efforts after the war to dismantle the BIS and to carry out
decartelization were thwarted, despite Roosevelt's clearly stated
intention, in his letter to Cordell Hull of Sept. 8, 1944 cited above,
to dismantle the I.G. Farben and other cartels, in order to eradicate
the "weapons of economic warfare" employed by the Nazis.

In April 1945, the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff had issued a directive,
JCS 1067, which said: "You will prohibit all cartels or other private
business arrangements and cartel-like organizations...." Also the Aug.
2, 1945 Potsdam Agreement among the United States, Britain, and the
Soviet Union, had stated that "at the earliest practicable date, the
German economy shall be decentralized for the purpose of eliminating
the present excessive concentration of economic power as exemplified
in particular by cartels, syndicates, trusts and other monopolistic
arrangements."

However, Roosevelt's intention, as reflected in these two documents,
was deliberately thwarted. The man in charge of the Economics Division
of the U.S. Army in Germany after the war was Brig. Gen. William H.
Draper, who as a vice president of Dillon, Read & Co. had financed
Germany after World War I. Draper's economic aide, Alexander Kreuter,
worked at Banque Worms. Averell Harriman, of Brown Brothers, Harriman,
succeeded Jesse Jones as Secretary of Commerce.

In 1950, James Steward Martin, who during the war had been chief of
the Economic Warfare Section of the Department of Justice and after
the war was assigned to work in the Decartelization Branch of Military
Government, documented in his book All Honorable Men, how the
decartelization process mandated by Roosevelt was sabotaged.

The staffing of the Decartelization Branch of the occupation military
government when Martin arrived to carry out his assignment, makes
clear what the problem was. The director of the Economics Division was
Col. Graeme K. Howard, the author of a book written in 1940 called
America and a New World Order, which was an apology for the Nazi
economic system. Howard was a vice president of General Motors and
remained on the General Motors-Opel board, which operated in Nazi
Germany during the war. He was replaced by Brig. Gen. William H.
Draper, Jr., on military leave from his position as
secretary-treasurer of Dillon, Read & Co. Others working under General
Draper included Rufus Wysor, president of Republic Steel Corp., who
was head of the Steel Section in the Industry Branch under Draper; and
Frederick L. Devereux, retired vice president of an American Telephone
& Telegraph subsidiary, who was Draper's deputy.

The main opposition to decartelization from the British side came from
Sir Percy Mills. In 1939, Mills had represented the Federation of
British Industries in a series of joint meetings at Düsseldorf with
the Reichsgruppe Industrie, the Nazi organization responsible for
mobilizing the German economy for war.

Martin's team was assigned to work in the Finance Division with Capt.
Norbert A. Bogdan, who had been a vice president of the J. Henry
Schroder Banking Corp. of New York.

Dillon, Read & Co. and J. Henry Schroder Banking Corp. are the two
U.S. investment banking organizations which had handled the financing
for rebuilding Germany after World War I. Dillon, Read & Co. was
responsible for floating the bonds in the United States for the United
Steel Works. United Steel Works combined the four biggest steel
producers in Germany, including Fritz Thyssen, one of the early
financial backers of Hitler. Legal work on the Schroder Bank loans in
the U.S. was handled by Sullivan & Cromwell, the firm headed by John
Foster Dulles.

Throughout the war, Allen Dulles, a partner in Sullivan & Cromwell and
until 1944 a director of the Schroder Bank in New York, headed the
European Mission of the OSS in Switzerland; and V. Lada-Mocarski, vice
president of the Schroder Bank, was a U.S. consul in Switzerland.

On Dec. 7, 1946, Philip D. Reed, chairman of the board of General
Electric Co., which had suppressed tungsten carbide in favor of Krupp,
and financed Hitler, arrived at Berlin on a mission for Averell
Harriman, the Secretary of Commerce. His report to Harriman attacked
the decartelization policy as the work of "extremists" from the
Department of Justice.

On May 22, 1947 Martin resigned. His deputy, Phillips Hawkins,
replaced him; Hawkins was engaged to General Draper's daughter. Martin
was the third director of the decartelization program to withdraw.
Colonel Bernstein and Russell Nixon, his predecessors, had also quit,
after experiencing the same sabotage of the decartelization program.

By March 1948, Richard Bronson, the chief of the Decartelization
Branch, proposed to exempt from reorganization all enterprises in the
field of capital goods and heavy industry, and announced that
approximately one-fourth of the staff would be laid off. When 19
members of the staff who opposed the shutdown of the decartelization
effort were branded as "disloyal" employees, a note was placed in the
personnel file of each of them, stating that no promotion, transfer,
or other change of status was to be made without clearance from higher
authority.

Also in 1948, the House Un-American Activities Committee destroyed the
careers of two U.S. Treasury officials, Harry Dexter White and
Lauchlin Currie, who were active in investigating the BIS, Standard
Oil, Chase, ITT, SKF, Ford, General Motors, and the Morgans. They were
both smeared as being Communist agents. Currie disappeared in
Colombia, with his U.S. citizenship revoked in 1956, and White died of
a heart attack on Aug. 16, 1948, aged 56, after returning home from an
investigative session.

The Post-War Beginnings of Globalization
Martin identifies the key U.S.-based companies behind the shut down of
the decartelization program. It is a group drawn from the Morgan
companies and their "pilot-fish," the bankers of the Harriman firm and
the business-management specialists of Dillon, Read & Co. After the
war, James V. Forrestal, former president of Dillon, Read and vice
president of General Aniline and Film, moved from the position of
Undersecretary of the Navy to Secretary of Defense. Robert A. Lovett,
former partner in Brown Brothers, Harriman, moved from Assistant
Secretary of War to Undersecretary of State. W. Averell Harriman
became Secretary of Commerce after serving as Ambassador to Russia and
Ambassador to England. He later became roving ambassador for the
Marshall Plan. Draper himself had become Undersecretary of the Army in
1947; he resigned and went back to his job as vice president of
Dillon, Read.

During World War II, the President of the BIS was an American, Thomas
H. McKittrick, even though the Nazis controlled the bank! The Bretton
Woods conference in July 1944 passed a resolution specifically barring
from the IMF and the World Bank any nation which had not broken
completely with the BIS. In May 1944, McKittrick had defended the BIS
by saying: "We keep the machine ticking because when the armistice
comes, the formerly hostile powers will need an efficient instrument
such as the BIS." McKittrick remained BIS president for two more years
after the Bretton Woods resolution. By 1948, the BIS became an agency
for clearing foreign exchange transactions among countries
participating in the European Recovery program. McKittrick by then had
become a vice president of Chase National Bank. He was also for a time
financial advisor to Averell Harriman, who was then the roving
ambassador in Europe of the Economic Co-Operation Administration.

Hjalmar Schacht was acquitted at Nuremberg in 1946 of charges that he
had participated in waging "aggressive war," despite the fact that he
had helped bring Hitler to power and had designed and implemented the
fascist economic system which made the war mobilization possible. In
1944, he had been implicated in the unsuccessful plot to assassinate
Hitler, and was imprisoned for the rest of the war. Later he was tried
and sentenced by a denazification court to eight years in a work camp,
but in 1948 he was released after winning an appeal.

In an interview when he was still in prison in Stuttgart, Schacht said
that if he were given three weeks, with access to his personal files
and 30 or 40 sheets of paper, he could present a plan for post-war
German recovery that would not cost the occupying powers a dollar.
Although his plan was not immediately accepted by the occupying
forces, Schacht was declared by the American military government in
1949 to be eligible for administrative posts in German agencies.

The man most responsible for the economic policies of brutal
austerity, slave labor, and aggressive war was released and
rehabilitated, because the Synarchist International intended to
implement his "Schachtian" policies once again in the post-war period,
once they were successful in eliminating the legacy of U.S. President
Franklin Roosevelt.

As Martin points out, after the war, the threat was not that the
cartels based in Germany would once again become a Nazi threat, but
rather that they would become an instrument in the hands of the
British and American financial groups. He then warns that should the
United States run into serious economic difficulties, "most of the
conditions for a re-enactment of the German drama would already exist
on the American stage."

Before World War II, the largest 250 American industrial corporations
controlled two-thirds of the industrial assets in the United States,
and the bulk of this was in the hands of the 100 largest. After the
war, the 100 largest corporations, held by the same eight financial
groups, instead of controlling two-thirds, controlled three-fourths of
the U.S. industrial economy.

Martin writes that "just as the six largest financial corporations in
Germany interlocked with the dominant industrial firms, so there are
eight large financial units in the American economy which in recent
years have assumed a comparable degree of power over here. These are:
(1) the Morgan group, controlling, among many others, such headliners
as United States Steel, General Electric, Kennecott Copper, American
Telephone and Telegraph, International Telephone and Telegraph; (2)
the Rockefeller interests, including the Standard Oil companies and
the Chase National Bank; (3) the Kuhn, Loeb public utilities network;
(4) the Mellon holdings, including the Aluminum Co., Gulf Oil,
Koppers, Westinghouse Electric; (5) the Chicago group, including
International Harvester and the Armour and Wilson packing houses; (6)
the du Pont interests, including General Motors, E.I. du Pont de
Nemours, and United States Rubber; (7) the Cleveland group, with
Republic Steel, Goodyear and others; and (8) the Boston group,
including United Fruit, Stone and Webster utilities and First National
Bank of Boston."

Since 1950, when Martin wrote his book, there have been major shifts
in the Anglo-American financial-corporate organization. This has
particularly been the case, as the United States after 1971 began the
shift from a producer to a consumer society. Nonetheless, his warning
that fascism could occur in the U.S.A. under conditions of economic
depression
.