Nick Griffin Writes on Anti-White Racist Crime

Nick Griffin Writes on Anti-White Racist Crime

Well informed nationalists have known for years that the political
elite, the media, the police and the courts are covering up an
epidemic of racist violence against the long suffering indigenous
people of this country. Now a BNP research team has for the first time
produced facts and statistics to show just how bad things really are.
Nick Griffin looks at the shockingly disproportionate number of brutal
racist crimes against white people in Britain and explains what the
British National Party is doing to get this life-and-death issue out
into the open.

“The last taboo.” That is how a sympathetic journalist who wouldn’t
wish to be named described the issue of racist violence against white
people to me a few months ago. All sorts of problems caused by mass
immigration and multiculturalism are now regularly discussed in the
national newspapers; even racist sexual predation by Muslim youths has
broken through onto Channel 4 and the pages of The Sunday Times, but
still no one will talk openly about the silent epidemic of racist
targeting of indigenous Britons for assault, robbery and murder by
ethnic minority criminals.

Ask 100 members of the public to name a victim of racist murder in
Britain, and it is guaranteed that 99 will answer “Stephen Lawrence.”
Ask them to name another and those who can will probably say “Anthony
Walker.” Ask them to name an English or British victim and 99 of them
will look blank. Some will even be incredulous, brainwashed by decades
of media coverage - and non-coverage - into believing that white
people cannot be the victims of racism or racist violence, since these
are crimes that we do to others, not offences that others commit
against us.

The reality, as probably our entire readership already knows, is very
different. To find out just how different, we have just completed a
detailed analysis of two sets of data produced by pro-multi-cultural
Establishment institutions, using their methodology and figures to
show that violent racism against indigenous Britons is a major social
and law and order issue, one of the most pressing - and distressing -
problems of our time.

Ou starting point is the most widely publicised liberal-left
‘analysis’ of racist murder in Britain in recent years - the report
issued at the start of August 2006 by the Institute for Race
Relations. This featured heavily in the broadcast media, made the
front page of The Guardian, and was covered by all the main newspapers
with suitable expressions of national guilt and shame.

The Institute for Race Relations study claimed that there had been 45
race murders in Britain since the 1999 publication of the McPherson
Report into the Stephen Lawrence murder. It named the victims as:
Andrea Dykes, John Light, Nicholas Moore, Stelios Economou, Harold
(aka Errol) McGowan, Liaquat (aka Bobby) Ali, Joseph Alcendor, Ben
Kamanalagi, Hassan Musa, Zardasht Draey, Jason McGowan (1999), Zahid
Mubarek, Santokh ‘Peter’ Singh Sandhu, Kombra Divakaren, Jan Marthin
Pasalbessi, Glynne Agard, Mohammed Asghar, Abdi Dorre, Tariq Javed,
Khaliur Rahman, Sarfraz Khan (2000), Gian Singh Nagra, Fetah Marku,
Shiblu Rahman, Shaun Rodney, Sharon Bubb, Firsat Dag (2001), Peiman
Bahmani, Shah Wahab, Derrick Shaw (2002), Mohammed Isa Hasan Ali, an
unnamed Asian man, Paul Rosenberg, Johnny Delaney, Awais Alam, Quadir
Ahmed (2003), Kris Donald, Shahid Aziz, Akberali Tayabali Mohamedally,
Bapishankar Kathirgamamathan, Kalan Kawa Karim, Lalji Joshi, (2004),
Marek Smrs, Kamal Raza ***, and Anthony Walker (2005).
Now, of course we condemn without reservation all violence and
particularly murder, regardless of the race, creed or colour of either
the perpetrators or the victims. But we are not prepared to be brow-
beaten by Political Correctness into accepting artificially inflated,
institutionally anti-white propaganda bias.

DOCTORED LIST

The first three names on the IRR list are those of the victims of
David Copeland’s ‘homophobic’ attack on the Admiral Duncan pub in
Soho. Clearly the victims of a hate crime, these three whites murdered
by a racist who also loathed homosexuals nevertheless have no place on
a list of racist murders. If the Soho Bombing was to be included, then
it would be in order to balance that by listing the 7/7 Bombings’ dead
as the victims of minority racism, but we believe that both sets of
murders involved politically motivated terrorism and have no place in
the figures on racist killings. That brings the figure down to 42.

Kriss Donald was the 15-year-old white victim of what was probably the
most sadistic racist murder in British history. The IRR couldn’t even
spell his name correctly but, in any case, he does not belong in a
list whose clear purpose is to portray racist murder as a crime
against coloured people. That leaves 41.

Three of the alleged victims - Jason McGowan, Shaun Rodney and Harold
McGowan - were found dead in circumstances that led the police, even
after the white racism hysteria that gripped the Force after
McPherson, to conclude that they had committed suicide. That leaves
38.

Fetah Marku was a Kosovan who was beaten to death by a black gang and
Kamal Raza *** died after being punched in a scuffle by a black and
mixed-race gang in a heavily multi-racial area of Nottingham. In order
to have a true picture of the extent of the problem of white racist
violence, both men must therefore be removed from the list. That
leaves 36.

A number of the other victims also died in circumstances which make it
distinctly questionable whether or not race was a factor. The drug
addict who murdered Lalji Joshi, for example, had earlier attacked a
number of other homeless people who happened to be white; the
passenger who murdered Sarfraz Khan was “off his head on drugs” at the
time. Mohammed Asghar was stabbed to death in a fight outside his
restaurant, but the jury found that the white defendant had acted in
self-defence. Kombra Divakaren was beaten to death by a youth gang who
he caught robbing his shop. Although Tariq Javed was murdered by white
passengers in his taxi the police said there was no evidence of any
racial motivation. Ben Kamanalagi was a bouncer who was beaten to
death in retaliation for having thrown a man out of the club where he
worked.

Despite the question mark over these six deaths, however, we decided
for the purposes of our study to accept their classification as
racially motivated, and then use the same IRR assessment criteria in
our parallel study of white victims of racial murder.

The IRR report claims that the cases it lists have a “known or
suspected racial element …. Many investigated by the police as
possible racial crimes.” Their definition of suspicion is clearly
broad (significantly broader than the standard that we have set in our
assessment of cases involving whites), but generally conforms with the
recommendation of the McPherson Report itself, under which any
incident is to be regarded as racial if it is perceived as such by
someone - whether the victim, their family, members of the local
community or political analysts.

So, accepting the IRR’s own assessment, and only removing from their
list the most obvious propaganda exaggerations, we accept for the sake
of comparison the figure of 36 recorded non-white victims of racially
motivated killings by white criminals since February 1999. Clearly
this is a shocking figure and one which, taken alone, suggests that
there are serious problems festering at the heart of the ‘multi-racial
experiment’.

The marked tendency of the police and the media to play down or even
ignore incidents of all levels of seriousness when white people are
the victims rather than the perpetrators of racial attacks makes it
very difficult to collate a comprehensive list of the white victims of
racial murder.

Every BNP community activist in every ‘enriched’ part of the country
will have first-hand experience of complaints from the victims or
relatives of victims in our community of disgraceful and extraordinary
police efforts to persuade - even coerce - them not to report
incidents with BME (Black Minority Ethnic) perpetrators as ‘racist’.

In so doing the police are ignoring completely the guidelines laid
down in McPherson, where it is said that an incident is ‘racist’ if
anyone perceives it to be, and that the police have no discretion to
contradict victims, relatives, eye-witnesses or even entirely non-
connected members of the public.

“No one is to maltreat the Abos in any way …. If there’s anybody
watching,” went the Monty Python Australian sketch and, taking us to
be the ‘Abos’ (which, in a very real sense, we British Aborigines
are), that’s exactly the situation today - except that the authorities
don’t just recommend the turning of a blind eye, they actively apply
pressure to force people to turn away and see nothing, and if any
particularly stubborn natives insist on saying what they saw, the
police very often simply refuse to record it.

Further skewing of the statistics arises from the fact that the police
are extensively trained to recognise pointers for white racism - the
criminal Searchlight gang has even been paid to train young officers
in the ‘racist’ implication of certain tattoos and obscure political
cult slang.

But a typical English town such as Hastings now has - we were told
last month by its proudly multicultural local paper - more than ninety
languages spoken by its residents. There are individual schools in
London with more than 100 languages among pupils. In which of those
languages are the local constabulary trained to recognise ‘racism’?

“Black b******” or “Why don’t you f*** off back to Kosovo?” would
immediately be seized upon as evidence of racist motivation sufficient
not just to get any accompanying offence classified as ‘racist hate
crime’ but also to add several years to the potential sentence. But
not a single police force in the country has laid on so much as a
single training session or provided a set of recordings to give
investigating officers or majority victims the slightest chance of
knowing that the non-English verbal accompaniments to a mugging, rape,
beating or stabbing meant “English slag”, “white trash” or “get over
here and help us teach this kaffir a lesson he’ll never forget”.

Yet without such all round training, policing a multi-cultural
society, or analysing crime statistics, inevitably becomes an exercise
in demonising and discriminating against the one community whose
crimes are likely to be reported as racially motivated, but which
becomes virtually invisible when it comes to assessing victim status.

This anti-white bias automatically produces a double dose of what (if
it occurred to any immigrant group) liberals would call ‘secondary
victimisation’ - the process whereby, having become a victim of some
kind of crime, an individual or community is further harmed by lack of
remedial action or justice from the Powers That Be.

First, the inability of the police even to recognise anti-white or
anti-non-Muslim motives and behaviour means that crimes against these
groups fail to receive the priority treatment which is supposed to be
given to ‘hate crimes’. Thus there is less chance of the perpetrators
being caught and of other potential offenders being deterred by the
knowledge that their proposed crime would be taken seriously.

Second, the fact that race hate motiv-ation will not be identified
when members of our community are the victims denies them any
possibility that the guilty parties will receive the mandatory extra
sentence for racially aggravated offences laid down in the Crime and
Disorder Act 1998.

The first of these two problems in particular compounds with active
police and court bias against recording crimes against our community
as racially motivated to produce sharply skewed statistics which
drastically downplay the true extent of white victimhood. At the same
time, the Politically Correct refusal to face inconvenient facts often
produces a media veil of silence which covers up or downplays to
minimum local coverage even extremely serious anti-white racist crimes
including murder.

Thus the incidents covered in our own investigation into the problem
have mainly been traced and recorded with the help of local newspaper
reports submitted via the Internet. It is highly likely that the
apparent ‘increase’ in the racially motivated killings of white
victims from 2001 onwards is in fact accounted for by the growth of
Internet use in collecting the details of the attacks, and that the
figures for previous years therefore underestimate the full extent of
the problem.

Despite these difficulties, the list of white victims of racist murder
which we were able to compile for the same period as the IRR report
runs to 142 dead. The individual, family and community tragedies
involved in each one of the brief accounts of racially motivated
(defined according to Institute for Race Relations practice) murder
are beyond comprehension. The statistics for racial murder in Britain
in 2006 can, by contrast, be readily understood and are best expressed
as a ratio…and it’s almost 4:1, i.e. nearly four whites slain for
every non-white killed.

The grotesque racial disparity involved in these figures can be
understood by considering the percentage of ethnic minority groups
within the population as a whole.

In 2006, when the parallel studies ended, BME communities made up
approximately 9% of the population. Further back towards 1999, of
course, this proportion would have been smaller, but for simplicity of
maths and in order to avoid any possibility of being accused of trying
to massage the statistics, we will use this maximum figure even though
it actually distorts the figures slightly against our argument that
race murder in modern Britain is overwhelmingly a BME crime.

INEQUALITIES IN CRIMINALITY

The crime ratio should be equal to the population ratio. So non-whites
should be committing approximately 9% of any given crime. However, out
of a total of 178 killings classified as ‘racial murders’ according to
the IRR criteria, 142 saw white victims slain by BME assailants, with
36 involving the liberal stereotype white racist/coloured victim.

BME killers targeting white victims were thus responsible for a
staggering 79% of traceable racist homicides in the UK between 1999
and 2006. This is an over-representation by a factor of more than
thirty four.

Thus non-whites were, in the period 1999 - 2006, forty times more
likely to be committing racial murders against white people on a per
capita basis than the other way round. White victims are over-
represented to the same degree.

Shockingly, a further BNP investigation, involving an intensive study
of Home Office data and crime statistics by professional Systems
Analyst Tony Shell, suggests that this figure - which is essentially
based on figures culled from the institutionally anti-white media -
seriously understates the true extent of the problem.

Full details of what Mr. Shell (who is also the BNP Plymouth
Organiser) has uncovered are published on the ‘Racism Cuts Both Ways’
sub-section of our main website (scroll down to the bottom for Mr.
Shell’s excellent pDF format reports). Together with the depressingly
long list of white victims of racist homicide, this material provides
by far the most in-depth study into the problem ever published in
Britain.

In an effort to spread public awareness of this problem, to collect
more information about it, and to build support for our efforts to do
something about it, the BNP Press Office and Treasury Departments
agreed that in addition to our Internet coverage we would also roll
out an advertising programme in carefully selected mainstream press
organs.

We were encouraged in this by an approach from the Parliamentary
Monitor, a highly specialised and influential magazine which
circulates among MPs, Chief Execs and similar well-connected members
of the ruling political elite.

We were offered the opportunity to buy advertising space in its March
edition and, after several weeks of haggling, settled on a full page,
which would summarise our findings on this extremely important social
and law and order issue, and advertise our online campaign to explain
how ‘Racism Cuts Both Ways’.

Although sure that the appearance of such a feature would set off a
fire-storm of controversy and publicity, we were less confident that
the Parliamentary Monitor would actually have the guts to see the
project through. And so it turned out, for within 24 hours of our
submitting our carefully and moderately worded copy for the feature,
Simon Darby was called by their embarrassed advertising department and
told that an editorial decision had been taken to refuse to publish
it.

Needless to say, we will not be letting the matter rest there. The new
sub-section on our website will be launched regardless by the time you
read this. It will include the page rejected by the Parliamentary
Monitor. We will try to place advertisements for it in other
mainstream publications, and we will be working on other ways to
expose the problem and the Establishment’s disgraceful failure to
address it.

We will not rest until we have broken this final taboo, just as our
growing impact on British politics has already forced the old parties
to break the taboo on discussing many less ‘sensitive’ problems
created by mass immigration and multiculturalism.

We will do this not because we hate the immigrant populations from
which the killers emerge, for we are well aware that the vast majority
of them would have no truck with the brutal activities of the
criminals in their midst.

On the contrary, the people who must be blamed and held to account for
this hidden scandal are the politicians who created the multicultural
‘experiment’, and the media editors, police chiefs and the old gang
politicians who have deliberately drawn a curtain of silence around so
many of these victims and the misery of their loved ones. They will
not forget, and nor will we; neither will we forgive.

This article was first published in the March issue of Identity,
Britain’s foremost Nationalist magazine.

http://www.bnp.org.uk/2008/03/06/nick-griffin-writes-on-anti-white-racist-crime/
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