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THE IMPERIAL JUDICIARY

By Larry Pratt

December 3, 2005

NewsWithViews.com


Does the Constitution provide for judicial supremacy through the process of

judicial review? Attorney Edwin Vieira, J.D. answers with an emphatic "No!"

in his book _Imperial Judiciary_

(http://www.newswithviews.com/HNB/Hot_New_Books20.htm) .


Vieira makes a convincing argument that the Supreme Court (and other courts

as well) have pulled off the equivalent of a coup d'etat. They believe, and

too many Americans believe with them, that an opinion of the Supreme Court
is

a part of the Constitution. If the opinion contradicts the Constitution,
then

the Constitution, according to this view, has been amended. Overlooked is
the

simple fact that an unconstitutional decision of the Supreme Court is not

worthy of respect and should be ignored by all other officials who have
taken

the same oath of office taken by the judges.


If there are competing interpretations of the Constitution among officials

in different branches of government, "We the People" are to decide the issue

at the ballot box.


Consider that the Supreme Court has the authority to make decisions only in

those areas We the People have delegated. A look at Article III of the

Constitution does not reveal a heavy work load for the Supremes: the court
has

original jurisdiction in cases involving states as well as diplomats. All
other

cases are brought on appeals, and if the lower courts are eliminated by

Congress which has that authority, that ends the discussion.


The Congress does not need to send a constitutional amendment to the states

when the Court makes an unconstitutional decision. There is nothing to
amend,

just correct by legislation (or impeachment) removing jurisdiction.


No jurisdiction, no cases, no bad decisions. What is stopping that from

happening? The Congress. They have not used the power they have. Why? Well,
two

reasons. One is that "We the People" have not demanded that the members of

Congress act. A second reason is that until We the People act, the Congress

enjoys passing the buck to the Supreme Court saying, "We have to do this

because the Court said so." This charade will continue until We the People
make it

happen.


If the Court can indeed amend the Constitution with a five-to-four majority,

are we to believe that the Court can re-amend by the same vote of five

judges on the court? You have to agree that, even though this is not in the

Constitution, such power is more efficient than getting two-thirds of the
Congress

and three-fourths of the state legislatures to concur. The only problem

seems to be that the Supremes are acting outside the law. No wonder they
want us

to believe in an evolving Constitution (as long as they are the agents of

evolution).

One of the excuses for the audacious claim to amending the Constitution by

judicial fiat is reference to foreign law and international morality. This,
of

course, can mean anything a judge wishes to say it means. Who is to

interpret what foreign law? That of Cuba? France? Iran? Whose morality? Kofi
Anan and

the UN kleptocrats? Or perhaps the thugs ruling China? Yet the Supreme Court

has used this fiction to attack the capital punishment laws of the states

with absolutely no authority to rule in this area. Again, the Congress needs
to

strip the ability to bring such cases to the lower courts (if not

eliminating those courts altogether!).


If foreign law can be used to legalize sexual behavior that has been illegal

in the states and progressively eliminate capital punishment, it is only a

matter of time until the Court decides that:

* euthanasia is legal (after all, the Dutch think it's great),

* search and seizure protections are replaced by the greater interests

of the state to invade our privacy (works for the Chinese Communists),

* political dissent is stifled (Castro tolerates none of that), and

* firearms ownership is reserved for those working for the government

or who belong to select hunting clubs (just like England and most other

countries of the world).

Second Amendment supporters should be aware that the 1997 Brady Law decision

by the Supreme Court (Printz v. U.S.) includes a minority opinion by Justice

Stephen Breyer. He argued that the Court should have decided the case by

looking at the comparative experiences of other countries. In other words,
the

thought that foreign law could trump the Second Amendment is already being

polished by the foreign-law loving members of the Court.


Vieira puts gun control in an interesting perspective by comparing the

notion that "gun control" is permitted by the Second Amendment the same way
as "

occupational control" is permitted by the Thirteenth Amendment which
abolishes

slavery.





.



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